Carlyle's "History of Friedrich II of Prussia"

Book XVII



THE SEVEN-YEARS WAR: FIRST CAMPAIGN.

1756-1757.

Chapter I.

WHAT FRIEDRICH HAD READ IN THE MENZEL DOCUMENTS.

The ill-informed world, entirely unaware of what Friedrich had been
studying and ascertaining, to his bitter sorrow, for four years
past, was extremely astonished at the part he took in those French-
English troubles; extremely provoked at his breaking out again into
a Third Silesian War, greater than all the others, and kindling all
Europe in such a way. The ill-informed world rang violently, then
and long after, with a Controversy, "Was it of his beginning, or
Not of his beginning?" Controversy, which may in our day be
considered as settled by unanimous mankind; finished forever;
and can now have no interest for any creature.
 
Omitting that, our problem is (were it possible in brief compass),
To set forth, by what authentic traits there are,--not the
"ambitious," "audacious," voracious and highly condemnable
Friedrich of the Gazetteers,--but the thrice-intricately situated
Friedrich of Fact. What the Facts privately known to Friedrich
were, in what manner known; and how, in a more complex crisis than
had yet been, Friedrich demeaned himself: upon which latter point,
and those cognate to it, readers ought not to be ignorant, if now
fallen indifferent on so many other points of the Affair. What a
loud-roaring, loose and empty matter is this tornado of
vociferation which men call "Public Opinion"! Tragically howling
round a man; who has to stand silent the while; and scan, wisely
under pain of death, the altogether inarticulate, dumb and
inexorable matter which the gods call Fact! Friedrich did read his
terrible Sphinx-riddle; the Gazetteer tornado did pipe and blow.
King Friedrich, in contrast with his Environment at that time, will
most likely never be portrayed to modern men in his real
proportions, real aspect and attitude then and there,--which are
silently not a little heroic and even pathetic, when well seen
into;--and, for certain, he is not portrayable at present, on our
side of the Sea. But what hints and fractions of feature we
authentically have, ought to be given with exactitude, especially
with brevity, and left to the ingenuous imagination of readers.

The secret sources of the Third Silesian War, since called "Seven-
Years War," go back to 1745; nay, we may say, to the First Invasion
of Silesia in 1740. For it was in Maria Theresa's incurable sorrow
at loss of Silesia, and her inextinguishable hope to reconquer it,
that this and all Friedrich's other Wars had their origin.
Twice she had signed Peace with Friedrich, and solemnly ceded
Silesia to him: but that too, with the Imperial Lady, was by no
means a finis to the business. Not that she meant to break her
Treaties; far from her such a thought,--in the conscious form.
Though, alas, in the unconscious, again, it was always rather near!
practically, she reckoned to herself, these Treaties would come to
be broken, as Treaties do not endure forever; and then, at the good
moment, she did purpose to be ready. "Silesia back to us; Pragmatic
Sanction complete in every point! Was not that our dear Father's
will, monition of all our Fathers and their Patriotisms and
Traditionary Heroisms; and in fact, the behest of gods and men?"
Ten years ago, this notion had been cut down to apparent death, in
a disastrous manner, for the second time. But it did not die in the
least: it never thinks of dying; starts always anew, passionate to
produce itself again as action valid at last; and lives in the
Imperial Heart with a tenacity that is strange to observe.
Still stranger, in the envious Valet-Heart,--in that of Bruhl, who
had far less cause!

 
The Peace of Dresden, Christmas, 1745, seemed to be an act of
considerable magnanimity on Friedrich's part. It was, at the first
blush of it, "incredible" to Harrach, the Austrian Plenipotentiary;
whose embarrassed, astonished bow we remember on that occasion,
with English Villiers shedding pious tears. But what is very
remarkable withal is a thing since discovered: [INFRA, next Note
(p. 276).] That Harrach, magnanimous signature hardly yet dry, did
then straightway, by order of his Court, very privately inquire of
Bruhl, "There is Peace, you see; what they call Peace:--but our
TREATY OF WARSAW, for Partition of this magnanimous man, stands all
the same; does n't it?" To which, according to the Documents,
Bruhl, hardly escaped from the pangs of death, and still in a very
pale-yellow condition, had answered in effect, "Hah, say you so?
One's hatred is eternal;--but that man's iron heel! Wait a little;
get Russia to join in the scheme!"--and hung back; the willing
mind, but the too terrified! And in this way, like a famishing dog
in sight of a too dangerous leg of mutton, Bruhl has ever since
rather held back; would not re-engage at all, for almost two years,
even on the Czarina's engaging; and then only in a cautious,
conditional and hypothetic manner,--though with famine increasing
day by day in sight of the desired viands. His hatred is fell;
but he would fain escape with back unbroken.


HOW FRIEDRICH DISCOVERED THE MYSTERY. CONCERNING MENZEL
AND WEINGARTEN.

Friedrich has been aware of this mystery, at least wide awake to it
and becoming ever more instructed, for almost four years.
Traitor Menzel the Saxon Kanzellist--we, who have prophetically
read what he had to confess when laid hold of, are aware, though as
yet, and on to 1757, it is a dead secret to all mortals but himself
and "three others"--has been busy for Prussia ever since "the end
of 1752." Got admittance to the Presses; sent his first Excerpt
"about the time of Easter-Fair, 1753,"--time of Voltaire's taking
wing. And has been at work ever since. Copying Despatches from the
most secret Saxon Repositories; ready always on Excellency
Mahlzahn's indicating the Piece wanted; and of late, I should
think, is busier than ever, as the Saxon Mystery, which is also an
Austrian and Russian one, gets more light thrown into it, and seems
to be fast ripening towards action of a perilous nature. The first
Excerpts furnished by Menzel, readers can judge how enigmatic they
were. These Menzel Papers, copies mainly of Petersburg or Vienna
DESPATCHES to Bruhl, with Bruhl's ANSWERS,--the principal of which
were subsequently printed in their best arrangement and liveliest
point of vision [In Friedrich's Manifestoes, chiefly in MEMOIRE
RAISONNE SUR LA CONDUITE DES COURS DE VIENNE ET DE SAXE (compiled
from the MENZEL ORIGINALS, so soon as these were got hold of:
Berlin, Autumn, 1756). A solid and able Paper; rapidly done, by one
Count Herzberg, who rose high in after times. Reprinted, with many
other "Pieces" and "Passages," in  Gesammelte Nachrichten
und Urkunden, --which is a "Collection" of such
(2 vols., 113 Nos. small 8vo, no Place, 1757, my Copy of it).]--are
by no means a luminous set of Documents to readers at this day.
Think what a study they were at Potsdam in 1753, while still in the
chaotic state; fished out, more or less at random, as Menzel could
lay hold of them, or be directed to them; the enigma clearing
itself only by intense inspection, and capability of seeing in
the dark!

It appears,--if you are curious on the anecdotic part,--

"Winterfeld was the first that got eye on this dangerous Saxon
Mystery; some Ex-Saxon, about to settle in Berlin, giving hint of
it to Winterfeld; who needed only a hint. So soon as Winterfeld
convinced himself that there was weight in the affair, he imparted
it to Friedrich: 'Scheme of partitioning, your Majesty, of picking
quarrel, then overwhelming and partitioning; most serious scheme,
Austrian-Russian as well as Saxon; going on steadily for years
past, and very lively at this time!' If true, Friedrich cannot but
admit that this is serious enough: important, thrice over, to
discover whether it is true;--and gives Winterfeld authority to
prosecute it to the bottom, in Dresden or wherever the secret may
lie. Who thereupon charged Mahlzahn, the Prussian Minister   at
Dresden, to find some proper Menzel, and bestir himself.
How Mahlzahn has found his Menzel, and has bestirred himself, we
saw. Thief-keys were made to pattern in Berlin; first set did not
fit, second did; and stealthy Menzel gains admittance to that
Chamber of the Archives, can steal thither on shoes of felt when
occasion serves, and copy what you wish,--for a consideration.
Intermittently, since about Easter-Fair, 1753. Three persons are
cognizant of it, Winterfeld, Mahlzahn, Friedrich; three, and no
more. Probably the abstrusest study; and the most intense, going on
in the world at that epoch. [Rotzow,  Charakteristik des
Siebenjahrigen Krieges  (Berlin, 1802), i. 23.]

"At a very early stage of the Menzel Excerpts it became manifest
that certain synchronous Austrian Ditto would prove highly
elucidative; that, in fact, it would be indispensable to get hold
of these as well. Which also Winterfeld has managed to do. A deep-
headed man, who has his eyes about him; and is very apt to manage
what he undertakes. One Weingarten Junior, a Secretary in the
Austrian Embassy at Berlin (Excellency Peubla's second Secretary),
has his acquaintanceships in Berlin Society; and for one thing, as
Winterfeld discovers, is 'madly in love' with some Chambermaid or
quasi-chambermaid (let us call her Chambermaid), 'Daughter of the
Castellan at Charlottenburg.' Winterfeld, through the due channels,
applied to this Chambermaid, 'Get me a small secret Copy of such
and such Despatches, out of your Weingarten; it will be well for
you and him; otherwise perhaps not well!' Chambermaid, hope urging,
or perhaps hope and fear, did her best; Weingarten had to yield the
required product and products, as required. By this Weingarten,
from some date not long after Menzel's first mysterious Dresden
Excerpts, the necessary Austrian glosses, so far as possible to
Weingarten on the indications given him, have been regularly had,
for the two or three years past.

"Weingarten first came to be seriously suspected June, 1756
(Weingarten Junior, let us still say, for there was a Senior of
unstained fidelity); 'June 15th,' Excellency Peubla pointedly
demands him from Friedrich and the Berlin Police:
'Weingarten Junior, my SECOND Secretar, fugitive and traitor;
hidden somewhere!' ["BERLIN, 22d JUNE: Every research making for
Mr. Weingatten,--in vain hitherto" ( Gentleman's Magazine,
 xxvi., i. e. for 1756, p. 363).] Excellency Peubla is
answered, 24th June: 'We would so fain catch him, if we could!
We have tried at Stendal,--not there: tried his Mother-in-law;
knows nothing: have forborne laying up his poor Wife and Children;
and hope her Imperial Majesty will have pity on that poor creature,
who is fallen so miserable.' [ Helden-Geschichte,  iii. 713.] So that Excellency Peubla had nothing for it but
to compose himself; to honor the unstainable fidelity of Weingarten
Senior by a public piece of promotion, which soon ensued; and let
the Junior run. Weingarten Junior, on the first suspicion, had
vanished with due promptitude,--was not to be unearthed again.
We perceive he has married his Charlottenburg Beauty, and there are
helpless babies. It seems, he lived long years after, in the
Altmark, as a Herr von Weiss,'--his reflections manifold, but
unknown. [Retzow, i. 37.] What is much notabler, Cogniazzo, the
Austrian Veteran, heard Weingarten's MASTER, Graf von Peubla, talk
of the 'GRAND MYSTERE,' soon after, and how Friedrich had heard of
it, not from Weingarten alone, but from Gross-Furst PETER, Russian
Heir-Apparent! [Cogniazzo, i. 225.]

"As to Menzel, he did not get away. Menzel, as we saw, lasted in
free activity till 1757; and was then put under lock and key.
Was not hanged; sat prisoner for twenty-seven years after;
overgrown with hair, legs and arms chained together, heavy iron bar
uniting both ankles; diet bread-and-water;--for the rest, healthy;
and died, not very miserable it is said, in 1784. Shocking
traitors, Weingarten and he."

Yes, a diabolical pair, they, sure enough:--and the thing they
betrayed against their Masters, was that a celestial thing?
Servants of the Devil do fall out; and Servants not of the Devil
are fain, sometimes, to raise a quarrel of that kind!--

The then world, as we said, was one loud uproar of logic on the
right reading and the wrong of those Sibylline Documents: "Did your
King of Prussia interpret them aright, or even try it? Did not he
use them as a cloak for highway robbery, and swallowing of a
peaceable Saxony, bad man that he surely is?" For Friedrich's
demeanor, this time again, when it came to the acting point, was of
eminent rapidity; almost a swifter lion-spring than ever; and it
brought on him, in the aerial or vocal way, its usual result:
huge clamor of rage and logic from uninformed mankind.
Clamorous rage and logic, which has now sunk irresuscitably dead;--
nothing of it much worth mentioning to modern readers, scarcely
even its HIC JACET (in Footnotes, for the benefit of the
curious!),--and it is, at last, a thing not doubtful to anybody
that Friedrich, in that matter did read aright. So that now the
loud uproar is reduced to one small question with us, What did he
read in those Menzel Documents? What Fact lying in them was it that
Friedrich had to read? Here, smelted down by repeated roastings, is
succinct answer;--for the ultimate fragment of incombustible here
as elsewhere, will go into a nutshell, once the continents of
Diplomatist-Gazetteer logic and disorderly stable-litter,
threatening to heap themselves over the very stars, have been
faithfully burnt away.

Readers heard of a "Union of Warsaw," early in 1745, concluded by
the Sea-Powers and the Saxon-Polish and Hungarian Majesties:
very harmless UNION of Warsaw, public to all the world,--but with a
certain thrice-secret "TREATY of Warsaw" (between Polish and
Hungarian Majesty themselves two, the Sea-Powers being horror-
struck by mention of it) which had followed thereupon, in an eager
and wonderful manner. Thrice-secret Treaty, for Partitioning
Friedrich, and settling the respective shares of his skin.
Treaty which, to denote its origin, we called of Warsaw; though it
was not finished there (shares of skin so difficult to settle), and
"Treaty of LEIPZIG, 18th May, 1745," is its ALIAS in Books:--of
which Treaty, as the Sea-Powers had recoiled horror-struck, there
was no whisper farther, to them or to the rest of exoteric
mankind;--though it has been one of the busiest Entities ever
since. From the Menzel Documents, I know not after what circuitous
gropings and searchings, Friedrich first got notice of that Treaty:
[Now printed in  OEuvres de Frederic,  iv.
40-42.] figure his look on discovering it!

We said it was the remarkablest bit of sheepskin in its Century.
Readers have heard too, That it was proposed to Bruhl, by a
grateful Austria, directly on signing the Peace of Dresden:
"Our Partition-Treaty stands all the same, does it not?"--and in
what humor Bruhl answered: "Hah? Get Russia to join!" Both these
facts, That there is a Treaty of Warsaw and that this is the
Austrian-Saxon temper and intention towards him and it, Friedrich
learned from the Menzel Documents. And if the reader will possess
himself of these two facts, and understand that they are of a
germinative, most vital quality, indestructible by the times and
the chances; and have been growing and developing themselves, day
and night ever since, in a truly wonderful manner,--the reader
knows in substance what Menzel had to reveal.

Russia was got to join;--there are methods of operating on Russia,
and kindling a poor fat Czarina into strange suspicions and
indignations. In May, 1746, within six months of the Peace of
Dresden, a Treaty of Petersburg, new version of the Warsaw one, was
brought to parchment; Czarina and Empress-Queen signing,--Bruhl
dying to sign, but not daring. How Russia has been got to join, and
more and more vigorously bear a hand; how Bruhl's rabidities of
appetite, and terrors of heart, have continued ever since;
how Austria and Russia,--Bruhl aiding with hysterical alacrity,
haunted by terror (and at last mercifully EXCUSED from signing),--
have, year after year, especially in this last year, 1755, brought
the matter nearer and nearer perfection; and the Two Imperial
Majesties, with Bruhl to rear, wait only till they are fully ready,
and the world gives opportunity, to pick a quarrel with Friedrich,
and overwhelm and partition him, according to covenant:
This, wandering through endless mazes of detail, is in sum what the
Menzel Documents disclose to Friedrich and us. How, in a space of
ten years, the small seed-grain of a Treaty of Warsaw, or Treaty of
Petersburg, planted and nourished in that manner, in the Satan's
Invisible World, has grown into a mighty Tree there,--prophetic of
Facts near at hand; which were extremely sanguinary to the Human
Race for the next Seven Years.

This is the sum-total: but for Friedrich's sake, and to illustrate
the situation, let us take a few glances more, into the then
Satan's Invisible World, which had become so ominously busy round
Friedrich and others. The Czarina, we say, was got to engage;
22d May, 1746, there came a Treaty of Petersburg duly valid, which
is that of Warsaw under a new name: and still Bruhl durst not, for
above a year coming,--not till August 15th, 1747; [MEMOIRE RAISONNE
(in  Gesammelte Nachrichten ), i. 459.] and
then, only in a hypothetic half-and-half way, with fear and
trembling, though with hunger unspeakable, in sight of the viands. 
A very wretched Bruhl, as seen in these Menzel Documents. On poor
Polish Majesty Bruhl has played the sorcerer, this long while, and
ridden him as he would an enchanted quadruped, in a shameful
manner: but how, in turn (as we study Menzel), is Bruhl himself
hagridden, hunted by his own devils, and leads such a ghastly
phantasmal existence yonder, in the Valley of the Shadow of
CLOTHES,--mere Clothes, metaphorical and literal! ["MONTREZ-MOI DES
VERTUS, PAS DES CULOTTES (Have you no virtues then to show me;
nothing but pain of breeches)!" exclaimed an impatient French
Traveller, led about in Bruhl's Palace one day: Archenholtz,
 Geschichte des Siebenjahrigen Krieges, 
i. 63.] Wretched Bruhl, agitated with hatreds of a rather infernal
nature, and with terrors of a not celestial, comes out on our
sympathies, as a dog almost pitiable,--were that possible, with
twelve tailors sewing for him, and a Saxony getting shoved over the
precipices by him.

A famishing dog in the most singular situation. What he dare do, he
does, and with such a will. But there is almost only one thing safe
to him: that of egging on the Czarina against Friedrich; of coining
lies to kindle Czarish Majesty; of wafting on every wind rumors to
that end, and continually besieging with them the empty Czarish
mind. Bruhl has many Conduits, "the Sieur de Funck," "the Sieur
Gross" plenty of Legationary Sieurs and Conduits;--which issue from
all quarters on Petersburg, and which find there a Reservoir, and
due Russian SERVICE-PIPES, prepared for them;--and Bruhl is busy.
"Commerce of Dantzig to be ruined," suggests he, "that is plain:
look at his Asiatic Companies, his Port of Embden. Poland is to be
stirred up;--has not your Czarish Majesty heard of his intrigues
there? Courland, which is almost become your Majesty's--cunningly
snatched by your Majesty's address, like a valuable moribund whale
adrift among the shallows,--this bad man will have it out to sea
again, with the harpoons in it; fairly afloat amid the Polish
Anarchies again!" These are but specimens of Bruhl. Or we can give
such in Bruhl's own words, if the reader had rather. Here are Two,
which have the advantage of brevity:--

1. ... The Sieur de Funck, Saxon Minister at Petersburg, wrote to
Count Bruhl, 9th July, 1755 (says an inexorable Record),
  "That the Sieur Gross [now Minister of Russia at Dresden, who
vanished out of Berlin like an angry sky-rocket some years ago]
would do a good service to the Common Cause, if he wrote to his
Court, 'That the King of Prussia had found a channel in Courland,
by which he learned all the secrets of the Russian Court;'"
and Sieur Funck added, "that it was expected good use could be made
of such a story with her Czarish Majesty."--To which Count Bruhl
replies, 23d July, "That he has instructed the Sieur Gross, who
will not fail to act in consequence."

2. Sieur Prasse, same Funck's Secretary of Legation, at Petersburg,
writes to Count Bruhl, 12th April, 1756:--
  "I am bidden signify to your Excellency that it is greatly
wished, in order to favor certain views, you would have the
goodness to cause arrive in Petersburg, by different channels, the
following intelligence: 'That the King of Prussia, on pretext of
Commerce, is sending officers and engineers into the Ukraine, to
reconnoitre the Country and excite a rebellion there.' And this
advice, be pleased to observe, is not to come direct from the Saxon
Court, nor by the Envoy Gross, but by some third party,--to the end
there may be no concert noticed;--as they [L'ON, the "service-
pipes," and managing Excellencies, Russian and Austrian] have given
the same commission to other Ministers, so that the news shall come
from more places than one.

"They [the said managing Excellencies] have also required me to
write to the Baron de Sack," our Saxon Minister in Sweden, "upon
it, which I will not fail to do; and they assured me that our
Court's advantage was not less concerned in it than that of their
own; adding these words [comfortable to one's soul], 'The King of
Prussia [in 1745] gave Saxony a blow which it will feel for fifty
years; but we will give him one which he will feel for a hundred.'"

To which beautiful suggestion Excellency Bruhl answers, 2d June,
1756: "As to the Secret Commission of conveying to Petersburg, by
concealed channels, Intelligence of Prussian machinations in the
Ukraine, we are still busy finding out a right channel; and they
[L'ON, the managing Excellencies] shall very soon, one way or the
other, see the effect of my personal inclination to second what is
so good an intention, though a little artful (UN PEU ARTIFICIEUSE,"
--UN PEU, nothing to speak of)! [MEMOIRE RAISONNE (in 
Gesammelte Nachrichten ), i. 424-425; and ib. 472.]

Fancy a poor fat Czarina, of many appetites, of little judgment,
continually beaten upon in this manner by these Saxon-Austrian
artists and their Russian service-pipes. Bombarded with cunningly
devised fabrications, every wind freighted for her with phantasmal
rumors, no ray of direct daylight visiting the poor Sovereign
Woman; who is lazy, not malignant if she could avoid it: mainly a
mass of esurient oil, with alkali on the back of alkali poured in,
at this rate, for ten years past; till, by pouring and by stirring,
they get her to the state of SOAP and froth! Is it so wonderful
that she does, by degrees, rise into eminent suspicion, anger,
fear, violence and vehemence against her bad neighbor? One at last
begins to conceive those insane whirls, continual mad suspicions,
mad procedures, which have given Friedrich such vexation, surprise
and provocation in the years past.

Friedrich is always specially eager to avoid ill-will from Russia;
but it has come, in spite of all he could do and try. And these
procedures of the Czarish Majesty have been so capricious,
unintelligible, perverse, and his feeling is often enough
irritation, temporary indignation,--which we know makes Verses
withal! I can nowhere learn from those Prussian imbroglios of
Books, what the Friedrich Sayings or Satirical Verses properly
were: Retzow speaks of a PRODUKT, one at least, known in interior
Circles. [Retzow, i. 34.] PRODUKT which decidedly requires
publication, beyond anything Friedrich ever wrote;--though one can
do without it too, and invoke Fancy in defect of Print.
The sharpness of Friedrich's tongue we know; and the diligence of
birds of the air. To all her other griefs against the bad man, this
has given the finish in the tender Czarish bosom;--and like an
envenomed drop has set the saponaceous oils (already dosed with
alkali, and well in solution) foaming deliriously over the brim, in
never-imagined deluges of a hatred that is unappeasable;--very
costly to Friedrich and mankind. Rising ever higher, year by year;
and now risen, to what height judge by the following:--

AT PETERSBURG, 14th-15th MAY, 1753, "There was Meeting of the
Russian Senate, with deliberation held for these two days; and for
issue this conclusion come to:--

"That it should be, and hereby is, settled as a fundamental maxim
of the Russia Empire, Not only to oppose any farther aggrandizement
of the King of Prussia, but to seize the first convenient
opportunity for overwhelming (ECRASER), by superior force, the
House of Brandenburg [Hear, hear!], and reducing it to its former
state of mediocrity." [MEMOIRE RAISONNE (in  Gesammelte
Nachrichten ), i. 421.] Leg of mutton to be actually
gone into. With what an enthusiasm of "Hear, hear!" from Bruhl and
kindred parties; especially from Bruhl,--who, however, dare not yet
bite, except hypothetically, such his terrors and tremors. Or, look
again (same Senate,

AT PETERSBURG, OCTOBER, 1755): "To which Fundamental Maxim,
articulately fixed ever since those Maydays of 1753, the august
Russian Sanhedrim, deliberating farther in October, 1755, adds this
remarkable extension,

"That it is our resolution to attack the King of Prussia without
farther discussion, whensoever the said King shall attack any Ally
of Russia's, or shall himself be attacked by any of them."
Hailed by Bruhl, as natural, with his liveliest approval.
"A glorious Deliberation, that, indeed!" writes he: "It clears the
way of action for Russia's Allies in this matter; and for us too;
though nobody can blame us, if we proceed with the extremest
caution,"--and rather wait till the Bear is nearly killed.
[MEMOIRE RAISONNE (in  Gesammelte Nachrichten ), i. 422.]

Many marvels Friedrich had deciphered out of this Weingarten-Menzel
Apocalypse of Satan's Invisible World; and one often fancies
Friedrich's tone of mind, in his intense inspecting of that fateful
continent of darkness, and his labyrinthic stepping by degrees to
the oracular points, which have a light in them when flung open.
But in respect of practical interest, this of October, 1755 (which
would get to Potsdam probably in few weeks after) must have
surpassed all the others. Marvels many, one after the other:
[For example, or in recapitulation: a Treaty of Warsaw or Leipzig,
to partition him (18th May, 1745); Treaty of Petersburg (22d May,
1746, new form of Warsaw Treaty, with Czarina superadded);
tremulous Quasi-Accession thereto of his Polish Majesty (most
tremulous, hypothetic Quasi-Accession, "Yes-AND-No," 15th August,
1747, and often afterwards); first Deliberation of the Russian
Senate, 15th May, 1753; &c. &c. For example, or in recapitulation:
a Treaty of Warsaw or Leipzig, to partition him (18th May, 1745);
Treaty of Petersburg (22d May, 1746, new form of Warsaw Treaty,
with Czarina superadded); tremulous Quasi-Accession thereto of his
Polish Majesty (most tremulous, hypothetic Quasi-Accession,
"Yes-AND-No," 15th August, 1747, and often afterwards); first
Deliberation of the Russian Senate, 15th May, 1753; &c. &c.] no
doubt left, long since, of the constant disposition, preparation
and fixed intention to partition him. But here, in this last
indication by the Russian Senate,--which kindles into dismal
evidence so many other enigmatic tokens,--there has an ulterior
oracular point disclosed itself to Friedrich; in vaguer condition,
but not less indubitable, and much more perilous: namely, That now,
at last (end of 1755), the Two Imperial Majesties, very eager both,
consider that the time is come. And are--as Friedrich looks abroad
on the Austrian-Russian marchings of troops, campings, and unusual
military symptoms and combinations--visibly preparing to that end.

"They have agreed to attack me next Year (1756), if they can; and
next again (1757), without IF:" so Friedrich, putting written word
and public occurrence together, gradually reads; and so, all
readers will see, the fact was,--though Imperial Majesty at
Schonbrunn, as we shall find, strove to deny it when applied to;
and scouted, as mere fiction and imagination, the notion of such an
"Agreement." Which I infer, therefore, NOT to have existed in
parchment; not in parchment, but only in reality, and as a mutual
Bond registered in--shall we say "in Heaven", as some are wont?--
registered, perhaps, in TWO Places, very separate indeed! No truer
"Agreement" ever did exist;--though a devout Imperial Majesty
denies it, who would shudder at the lie direct.

Poor Imperial Majesty: who can tell her troubles and straits in
this abstruse time! Heaven itself ordering her to get back the
Silesia of her Fathers, if she could;--yet Heaven always looking
dubious, surely, upon this method of doing it. By solemn Public
Treaties signed in sight of all mankind; and contrariwise, in the
very same moments, by Secret Treaties, of a fell nature, concocted
underground, to destroy the life of these! Imperial Majesty
flatters herself it may be fair: "Treaty of Dresden, Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle; Treaties wrung from me by force, the tyrannic
Sea-Powers screwing us; Kaunitz can tell! A consummate Kaunitz;
who has provided remedies. Treaties do get broken. Besides, I will
not go to War, unless HE the Bad One of Prussia do!"--Alas, your
noble Majesty, plain it at least is, your love of Silesia is very
strong. And consummate Kaunitz and it have led you into strange
predicaments. The Pompadour, for instance: who was it that
answered, "JE NE LA CONNAIS PAS; I don't know her, I"? How gladly
would the Imperial Maria Theresa, soul of Propriety, have made that
answer! But she did not; she had to answer differently. For Kaunitz
was imperative: "A kind little Note to the Pompadour; one, and then
another and another; it is indispensable, your Imperial Majesty!"
And Imperial Majesty always had to do it. And there exist in
writing, at this hour, various flattering little Notes from
Imperial Majesty to that Address; which begin, "MA COUSINE,"
"PRINCESSE ET COUSINE," say many witnesses; nay "MADAME MA TRES
CHERE SOEUR," says one good witness: [Hormayr (cited in Preuss, i.
433 n.,--as are Duclos; Montgaillard; MEMOIRES DE RICHELIEU;
&c.]--Notes which ought to have been printed, before this, or given
at least to the Museums. "My Cousin," "Princess and Cousin,"
"Madame my dearest Sister:" Oh, high Imperial Soul, with what
strange bed-fellows does Misery of various kinds bring
us acquainted!

Friedrich was blamably imprudent in regard to Pompadour, thinks
Valori: "A little complaisance might have"--what might it not have
done!--"But his Prussian Majesty would not. And while the Ministers
of all the other Powers" allied with France "went assiduously to
pay their court to Madame, the Baron von Knyphausen alone, by his
Master's order, never once went ["Don't! JE NE LA CONNAIS PAS"],--
while the Empress-Queen was writing her the most flattering
letters. The Prince of Prussia, King's eldest Brother, wished
ardently to obtain her Portrait, and had applied to me for it;
as had Prince Henri to my Predecessor. The King, who has such
gallant and seductive ways when he likes, could certainly have
reconciled this celebrated Lady",--a highly important Improper
Female to him and others. [Valori, i. 320.]

Yes; but he quite declined, not counting the costs. Costs may be
immediate; profits are remote,--remote, but sure. Costs did indeed
prove considerable, perhaps far beyond his expectation; though, I
flatter myself, they never awoke much remorse in him, on
that score!--

Friedrich's Enigma, towards the end of 1755 and onwards, is
becoming frightfully stringent; and the solution, "What practically
will be the wise course for me?" does not lessen in abstruse
intricacy, but the reverse, as it grows more pressing. A very
stormy and dubious Future, truly! Two circumstances in it will be
highly determinative: one of them evident to Friedrich; the other
unknown to him, and to all mortals, except two or three. FIRST,

That there will be an English-French War straightway; and that, as
usual, the French, weaker at sea, will probably attack Hanover;--
that is to say, bring the War home to one's own door, and ripen
into fulfilment those Austrian-Russian Plots. This is the evident
circumstance, fast coming on; visible to Friedrich and to
everybody. But that, in such event, Austria will join, not with
England, but with France: this is a SECOND circumstance, guessable
by nobody; known only to Kaunitz and a select one or two; but which
also will greatly complicate Friedrich's position, and render his
Enigma indeed astonishingly intricate, as well as stringent for
solution!



Chapter II.

ENGLISH DIPLOMACIES ABROAD, IN PROSPECT OF A FRENCH WAR.

Britannic Majesty, I know not at what date, but before the
launching of that poor Braddock thunder-bolt, much more after the
tragic explosion it made, had felt that French War was nearly
inevitable, and also that the French method would be, as
heretofore, to attack Hanover, and wound him in that tender part.
There goes on, accordingly, a lively Foreign Diplomatizing, on his
Majesty's part, at present,--in defect, almost total, of Domestic
Preparation, military and other;--Majesty and Ministers expecting
salvation from abroad, as usual. Military preparation does lag at a
shameful rate: but, on the other hand, there is a great deal of
pondering, really industrious considering and contriving, about
Foreign Allies, and their subsidies and engagements. That step, for
example, the questionable Seizure of the French Ships WITHOUT
Declaration of War, was a contrivance by diplomatic Heads (of bad
quality): "Seize their ships," said some bad Head, after
meditating; "put their ships in SEQUESTRATION, till they do us
justice. If they won't, and go to War,--then THEY are the
Aggressors, not we; and our Allies have to send their auxiliary
quotas, as per contract!" So the Ships were seized; held in
sequestration, "till many of the cargoes (being perishable goods,
some even fish) rotted." [Smollett's  History of England;
 &c. &c.] And in return, as will be seen, not one
auxiliary came to hand: so that the diplomatic Head had his rotted
cargoes, and much public obloquy, for his pains. Not a fortunate
stroke of business, that!--

Britannic Majesty, on applying at Vienna (through Keith, Sir or Mr.
Robert Keith, the FIRST Excellency of that name, for there are two,
a father and a son, both Vienna Excellencies), was astonished to
learn That, in such event of an Aggression, even on Hanover, there
was no co-operation to be looked for here. Altogether cold on that
subject, her Imperial Majesty seems; regardless of Excellency
Keith's remonstrances and urgencies; and, in the end, is flatly
negatory: "Cannot do it, your Excellency; times so perilous, bad
King of Prussia so minatory,"--not to mention, SOTTO VOCE that we
have turned on our axis, and the wind (thanks to Kaunitz) no longer
hits us on the same cheek as formerly!

"Cannot? Will not?" Britannic Majesty may well stare, wide-eyed;
remembering such gigantic Subsidizings and Alcides Labors,
Dettingens, Fontenoys, on the per-contra side. But so stands the
fact: "No help from an ungrateful Vienna;--quick, then, seek
elsewhere!" And Hanbury and the Continental British Excellencies
have to bestir themselves as they never did. Especially Hanbury;
who is directed upon Russia,--whom alone of these Excellencies it
is worth while to follow for a moment. Russia, on fair subsidy,
yielded us a 35,000 last War (willingly granted, most useful,
though we had no fighting out of them, mere terror of them being
enough): beyond all things, let Hanbury do his best in Russia!

Hanbury, cheerfully confident, provides himself with the
requisites, store of bribe-money as the chief;--at Warsaw withal,
he picks up one Poniatowski (airy sentimental coxcomb, rather of
dissolute habits, handsomest and windiest of young Polacks):
"Good for a Lover to the Grand-Duchess, this one!" thinks Hanbury.
Which proved true, and had its uses for Hanbury;--Grand-Duchess and
Grand-Duke (Catherine and Peter, whom we saw wedded twelve years
ago, Heirs-Apparent of this Russian Chaos) being an abstrusely
situated pair of Spouses; well capable of something political, in
private ways, in such a scene of affairs; and Catherine, who is an
extremely clever creature, being out of a lover just now. A fine
scene for the Diplomatist, this Russia at present. Nowhere in the
world can you do so much with bribery; quite a standing item, and
financial necessary-of-life to Officials of the highest rank there,
as Hanbury well knows. [His Letters (in Raumer), PASSIM.] That of
Poniatowski proved, otherwise too, a notable stroke of Hanbury's;
and shot the poor Polish Coxcomb aloft into tragic altitudes, on
the sudden, as we all know!

Hanbury's immense dexterities, and incessant labors at Petersburg,
shall lie hidden in the slop-pails: it is enough to say, his
guineas, his dexterities and auxiliary Poniatowskis did prevail;
and he triumphantly signed his Treaty (Petersburg, 30th September)
"Subsidy-Treaty for 55,000 men, 15,000 of them cavalry," not to
speak of "40 to 50 galleys" and the like; "to attack whomsoever
Britannic Majesty bids: annual cost a mere 500,OOO pounds while on
service; 100,000 pounds while waiting." [In  Adelung,  vii. 609.] And, what is more, and what our readers are to
mark, the 55,000 begin on the instant to assemble,--along the
Livonian Frontier or Lithuanian, looking direct into Preussen.
Diligently rendezvousing there; 55,000 of them, nay gradually
70,000; no stinginess in the Czarina to her Ally of England. A most
triumphant thing, thinks Hanbury: Could another of you have done
it? Signed, ready for ratifying, 30th September, 1755 (bad Braddock
news not hindering);--and before it is ratified (this also let
readers mark), the actual Troops getting on march.

Hanbury's masterpiece, surely; a glorious triumph in the
circumstances, and a difficult, thinks Hanbury. Had Hanbury seen
the inside of the cards, as readers have, he would not have thought
it so triumphant. For years past,--especially since that
"Fundamental maxim, May 14th-15th, 1753," which we heard of,--the
Czarina's longings had been fixed. And here now--scattering money
from both hands of it, and wooing us with diplomatic finessings--is
the Fulfilment come! "Opportunity" upon Preussen; behold it here.

The Russian Senate again holds deliberation; declares (on the heel
of this Hanbury Treaty), "in October, 1755," what we read above,
That its Anti-Prussian intentions are--truculent indeed. And it is
the common talk in Petersburg society, through Winter, what a dose
the ambitious King of Prussia has got brewed for him, [MEMOIRE
RAISONNE (in  Gesammelte Nachrichten ), i. 429,
&c.] out of Russian indignation and resources, miraculously set
afloat by English guineas. A triumphant Hanbury, for the time
being,--though a tragical enough by and by!

THE TRIUMPHANT HANBURY TREATY BECOMES, ITSELF, NOTHING
OR LESS;--BUT PRODUCES A FRIEDRICH TREATY, FOLLOWED BY
RESULTS WHICH SURPRISE EVERYBODY.

King Friedrich's outlooks, on this consummation, may well seem to
him critical. The sore longing of an infuriated Czarina is now let
loose, and in a condition to fulfil itself! To Friedrich these
Petersburg news are no secret; nor to him are the Petersburg
private intentions a thing that can be doubted. Apart from the
Menzel-Weingarten revelations, as we noticed once, it appears the
Grand-Duke Peter (a great admirer of Friedrich, poor confused soul)
had himself thrice-secretly warned Friedrich, That the mysterious
Combination, Russia in the van, would attack him next Spring;--"not
Weingarten that betrayed our GRAND MYSTERE; from first hand, that
was done!" said Excellency Peubla, on quitting Berlin not long
after. [Cogniazzo,  Gestandnisse eines OEsterreichischen
Veterans  (as cited above), i. 225. "September 16th,
1756," Peubla left Berlin (Rodenbeck, i. 298),--three months after
Weingarten's disappearance.] The Grand Mystery is not uncertain to
Friedrich; and it may well be very formidable,--coupled with those
Braddock explosions, Seizures of French ships, and English-French
War imminent, and likely to become a general European one;
which are the closing prospects of 1755. The French King he reckons
not to be well disposed to him; their old Treaty of "twelve years"
(since 1744) is just about running out. Not friendly, the French
King, owing to little rubs that have been; still less the
Pompadour;--though who could guess how implacable she was at "not
being known (NE LA CONNAIS PAS)"! At Vienna, he is well aware, the
humor towards him is mere cannibalism in refined forms. But most
perilous of all, most immediately perilous, is the implacable
Czarina, set afloat upon English guineas!

With a hope, as is credibly surmised, that the English might soothe
or muzzle this implacable Czarina, Friedrich, directly after
Hanbury's feat in Petersburg, applied at London, with an Offer
which was very tempting there: "Suppose your Britannic Majesty
would make, with me, an express 'NEUTRALITY CONVENTION;' mutual
Covenant to keep the German Reich entirely free of this War now
threatening to break out? To attack jointly, and sweep home again
with vigor, any and every Armed Non-German setting foot on the
German soil!" An offer most welcome to the Heads of Opposition, the
Pitts and others of that Country; who wish dear Hanover safe enough
(safe in Davy-Jones's locker, if that would do); but are tired of
subsidizing, and fighting and tumulting, all the world over, for
that high end. So that Friedrich's Proposal is grasped at;
and after a little manipulation, the thing is actually concluded.

By no means much manipulation, both parties being willing.
There was uncommonly rapid surgery of any little difficulties and
discrepancies; rapid closure, instant salutary stitching together
of that long unhealable Privateer Controversy, as the main item:
"20,000 pounds allowed to Prussia for Prussian damages; and to
England, from the other side, the remainder of Silesiau Debt,
painfully outstanding for two or three years back, is to be paid
off at once;"--and in this way such "NEUTRALITY CONVENTION OF
PRUSSIA WITH ENGLAND" comes forth as a Practical Fact upon mankind.
Done at Westminster, 16th January, 1756. The stepping-stone, as it
proved, to a closer Treaty of the same date next Year; of which we
shall hear a great deal. The stepping-stone, in fact, to many large
things;--and to the ruin of our late "Russian-Subsidy Treaty"
(Hanbury's masterpiece), for one small thing. "That is a Treaty
signed, sure enough," answer they of St. James's; "and we will be
handsome about it to her Czarish Majesty; but as to RATIFYING it,
in its present form,--of course, never!"

What a clap of thunder to Excellency Hanbury; his masterpiece found
suddenly a superfluity, an incommodity! The Orthodox English course
now is, "No foreign soldiers at all to be allowed in Germany;"
and there are the 55,000 tramping on with such alacrity. "We cannot
ratify that Treaty, Excellency Hanbury," writes the Majesty's
Ministry, in a tone not of gratitude: "you must turn it some other
way!" A terrible blow to Hanbury, who had been expecting gratitude
without end. And now, try how he might, there was no turning it
another way; this, privately, and this only, being the Czarina's
own way. A Czarina obstinate to a degree; would not consent, even
when they made her the liberal offer, "Keep your 55,000 at home;
don't attack the King of Prussia with them; you shall have your
Subsidy all the same!" "No, I won't!" answered she,--to Hanbury's
amazement. Hanbury had not read the Weingarten-Menzel Documents;--
what double double of toil and trouble might Hanbury have saved
himself and others, could he have read them!

Hanbury could not, still less could the Majesty's Ministry, surmise
the Czarina's secret at all, now or for a good while coming. And in
fact, poor Hanbury, busy as a Diplomatic bee, never did more good
in Russia, or out of it. By direction of the Majesty's Ministry,
Hanbury still tried industriously, cash in both hands; tried
various things: "Assuage the Czarina's mind; reconcile her to King
Friedrich;"--all in vain. "Unite Austria, Russia and England, can't
you, then?--in a Treaty against the Designs of France:" how very
vain! Then, at a later stage, "Get us the Czarina to mediate
between Prussia and Austria" (so very possible to sleek them down
into peace, thought Majesty's Ministry):--and unwearied Hanbury,
cunning eloquence on his lips, and money in both hands, tries
again, and ever again, for many months. And in the way of making
ropes from sand, it must be owned there never was such twisting and
untwisting, as that appointed Hanbury. Who in fact broke his heart
by it;--and died mad, by his own hand, before long. [Hanbury's
"Life" (in  Works,  vol. iii.) gives sad
account.] Poor soul, after all!--Here are some Russian Notices from
him (and he has many curious, not pertinent here), which are still
worth gleaning.

PETERSBURG, 2d OCTOBER, 1755. ... "The health of the Empress
[Czarina Elizabeth, CATIN DU NORD, age now forty-five] is bad.
She is affected with spitting of blood, shortness of breath,
constant coughing, swelled legs and water on the chest; yet she
danced a minuet with me," lucky Hanbury. "There is great
fermentation at Court. Peter [Grand-Duke Peter] does not conceal
his enmity to the Schuwalofs [paramours of CATIN, old and new];
Catherine [Grand-Duchess, who at length has an Heir, unbeautiful
Czar Paul that will be, and "miscarriages" not a few] is on good
terms with Bestuchef" (corruptiblest brute of a Chancellor ever
known, friend to England by England's giving him 10,000 pounds, and
the like trifles, pretty frequently; Friedrich's enemy, chiefly
from defect of that operation)--she is "on good terms with
Bestuchef. I think it my duty to inform the King [great George, who
will draw his prognostics from it] of my observations upon her;
which I can the better do, as I often have conversations with her
for hours together, as at supper my rank places me always next to
her," twice-lucky Hanbury.

"Since her coming to this Country, she has, by every method in her
power, endeavored to gain the affections of the Nation: she applied
herself with diligence to study their language; and speaks it at
present, as the Russians tell me, in the greatest perfection.
She has also succeeded in her other aim; for she is esteemed and
beloved here in a high degree. Her person is very advantageous, and
her manners very captivating. She has great knowledge of this
Empire; and makes it her only study. She has parts; and Great-
Chancellor [brute Bestuchef] tells me that nobody has more
steadiness and resolution. She has, of late, openly declared
herself to me in respect of the King of Prussia;"--hates him a good
deal, "natural and formidable enemy of Russia;" "heart certainly
the worst in the world [and so on; but will see better by and by,
having eyes of her own]:--she never mentions the King of England
but with the utmost respect and highest regard; is thoroughly
sensible of the utility of the union between England and Russia;
always calls his Majesty the Empress's best and greatest Ally
[so much of nourishment in him withal, as in a certain web-footed
Chief of Birds, reckoned chief by some]; and hopes he will also
give his friendship and protection to the Grand-Duke and herself.--
As for the Grand-Duke, he is weak and violent; but his confidence
in the Grand-Duchess is so great, that sometimes he tells people,
that though he does not understand things himself, his Wife
understands everything. Should the Empress, as I fear, soon die,
the Government will quietly devolve on them." [Hanbury's Despatch,
"October 2d, 1755" (Raumer, pp. 223-225); Subsidy Treaty still at
its floweriest.]

Catherine's age is twenty-six gone; her Peter's twenty-seven:
one of the cleverest young Ladies in the world, and of the
stoutest-hearted, clearest-eyed;--yoked to a young Gentleman much
the reverse. Thank Hanbury for this glimpse of them, most
intricately situated Pair; who may concern us a little in the
sequel.--And, in justice to poor Hanover, the sad subject-matter of
Excellency Hanbury's Problems and Futilities in Russia and
elsewhere, let us save this other Fraction by a very different
hand; and close that Hanbury scene:--

"Friedrich himself was so dangerous," says the Constitutional
Historian once: "Friedrich, in alliance with France, how easy for
him to catch Hanover by the throat at a week's notice, throw a
death-noose round the throat of poor Hanover, and hand the same to
France for tightening at discretion! Poor Hanover indeed; she reaps
little profit from her English honors: what has she had to do with
these Transatlantic Colonies of England? An unfortunate Country, if
the English would but think; liable to be strangled at any time,
for England's quarrels: the Achilles'-heel to invulnerable England;
a sad function for Hanover, if it be a proud one, and amazingly
lucrative to some Hanoverians. The Country is very dear to his
Britannic Majesty in one sense, very dear to Britain in another!
Nay Germany itself, through Hanover, is to be torn up by War for
Transatlantic interests,--out of which she does not even get good
Virginia tobacco, but grows bad of her own. No more concern than
the Ring of Saturn with these over-sea quarrels; and can, through
Hanover, be torn to pieces by War about them. Such honor to give a
King to the British Nation, in a strait for one; and such profit
coming of it:--we hope all sides are grateful for the
blessings received!"

THERE HAS BEEN A COUNTER-TREATY GOING ON AT VERSAILLES IN THE
INTERIM; WHICH HEREUPON STARTS OUT, AND TUMBLES THE WHOLLY
ASTONISHED EUROPEAN DIPLOMACIES HEELS-OVER-HEAD.

To expectant mankind, especially to Vienna and Versailles, this
Britannic-Prussian Treaty was a great surprise. And indeed it
proved the signal of a general System of New Treaties all round.
The first signal, in fact,--though by no means the first cause,--of
a total circumgyration, summerset, or tumble heels-over-head in the
Political relations of Europe altogether, which ensued thereupon;
miraculous, almost as the Earthquake at Lisbon, to the Gazetteer,
and Diplomatic mind, and incomprehensible for long years after.
First signal we say, by no means that it was the first cause, or
indeed that it was a cause at all,--the thing being determined
elsewhere long before; ever since 1753, when Kaunitz left it ready,
waiting only its time.

Kaiser Franz, they say, when (probably during those Keith
urgencies) the joining with France and turning against poor
Britannic Majesty was proposed in Council at Vienna, opened his
usually silent lips; and opined with emphasis against such a
course, no Kaunitz or creature able to persuade Kaiser Franz that
good would come of it;--though, finding Sovereign Lady and
everybody against him, he held his peace again. And returned to his
private banking operations, which were more extensive than ever,
from the new troubles rising. "Lent the Empress-Queen, always on
solid securities," says Friedrich, "large sums, from time to time,
in those Wars; dealt in Commissariat stores to right and left;
we ourselves had most of our meal from him this year."
[ OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 8.] Kaiser Franz
was, and continued, of the old way of thinking; but consummate
Kaunitz, and the High Lady's fixed passion for her Schlesien, had
changed everybody else. The ulterior facts are as follows,
abbreviated to the utmost.

September 22d, 1755, a few days before Hanbury's Subsidy-feat at
Petersburg, which took such a whirl for Hanbury, there had met for
the first time at Versailles, more especially at Babiole, Pleasure-
House of the Pompadour, a most Select Committee of Three Persons:
Graf von Stahremberg, Austrian Ambassador; Pompadour herself; and a
certain infinitely elegant Count and Reverence de Bernis (beautiful
Clerico-Mundane Gentleman, without right Benefice hitherto, but
much in esteem with the Pompadour);--for deepest practical
consideration in regard to closure of a French-Austrian Alliance.
Reverend Count (subsequently Cardinal) de Bernis has sense in
Diplomacy; has his experiences in Secular Diplomatic matters; a
soft-going cautious man, not yet official, but tending that way:
whom the Pompadour has brought with her as henchman, or unghostly
counsellor, in this intricate Adventure.

Stahremberg, instructed from home, has no hesitation; nor has
Pompadour herself, remembering that insolent "JE NE LA CONNAIS
PAS," and the per-contra "MA COUSINE," "PRINCESSE ET SOEUR:"--but
Bernis, I suppose, looks into the practical difficulties; which are
probably very considerable, to the Official French eye, in the
present state of Europe and of the public mind. From September 22d,
or autumnal equinox, 1755, onward to this Britannic-Prussian
phenomenon of January, 1756, the Pompadour Conclave has been
sitting,--difficulties, no doubt, considerable. I will give only
the dates, having myself no interest in such a Committee at
Babiole; but the dates sufficiently betoken that there were
intricacies, conflicts between the new and the old. Hitherto the
axiom always was, "Prussia the Adjunct and Satellite of France:"
now to be entirely reversed, you say?

JULY, 1755, that is two months before this Babiole Committee met, a
Duc de Nivernois, respectable intelligent dilettante French
Nobleman, had been named as Ambassador to Friedrich, "Go, you
respectable wise Nivernois, Nobleman of Letters so called; try and
retain Friedrich for us, as usual!" And now, on meeting of the
Babiole Committee, Nivernois does not go; lingers, saddled and
bridled, till the very end of the Year; arrives in Berlin January
12th, 1756. Has his First Audience January 14th; a man highly
amiable to Friedrich; but with proposals,--wonderful indeed.

The French, this good while back, are in no doubt about War with
England, a right hearty War; and have always expected to retain
Prussia as formerly,--though rather on singular terms. Some time
ago, for instance, M. de Rouille, War-Minister, requested
Knyphausen, Prussian Envoy at Paris: "Suggest to your King's
Majesty what plunder there is at Hanover. Perfectly at liberty to
keep it all, if he will plunder Hanover for us!" [ OEuvres
de Frederic,  iv. 29.] Pleasant message to the proud
King; who answered with the due brevity, to the purport, "Silence,
Sir!"--with didactic effects on the surprised Rouille. Who now
mends his proposal; though again in a remarkable way.
Instructs Nivernois, namely, "To offer King Friedrich the Island of
Tobago, if he will renew Treaty, and take arms for us. Island of
Tobago (a deserted, litigated, but pretty Island, were it ever
ours), will not that entice this King, intent on Commerce?"
Friedrich, who likes Nivernois and his polite ways, answers
quizzingly: "Island of Tobago? Island of Barataria your Lordship
must be meaning; Island of which I cannot be the Sancho Panza!"
[Ib. 31.] And Nivernois found he must not mention Tobago again.

For the rest, Friedrich made no secret of his English Treaty;
showed it with all frankness to Nivernois, in all points:
"Is there, can the most captious allege that there is, anything
against France in it. My one wish and aim, that of Peace for
myself: judge!" Nivernois stayed till March; but seems to have had,
of definite, only Tobago and good words; so that nothing farther
came of him, and there was no Renewal of Treaty then or after.
Thus, in his third month (March, 1756), practical Nivernois was
recalled, without result;--instead of whom fat Valori was sent;
privately intending "to do nothing but observe, in Berlin." From
all which, we infer that the Babiole Committee now saw land;
and that Bernis himself had decided in the affirmative: "Austria,
not Prussia; yes, Madame!" To the joy of Madame and everybody.
For, it is incredible, say all witnesses, what indignation broke
out in Paris when Friedrich made this new "defection," so they
termed it; revolt from his Liege Lord (who had been so exemplary to
him on former occasions!), and would not bite at Tobago when
offered. So that the Babiole Committee went on, henceforth, with
flowing sea; and by Mayday (1st MAY, 1756) brought out its French-
Austrian Treaty in a completed state. "To stand by one another,"
like Castor and Pollux, in a manner; "24,000, reciprocally, to be
ready on demand;" nay I think something of "subsidies" withal,--TO
Austria, of course. But the particulars are not worth giving;
the Performance, thanks to a zealous Pompadour, having quite outrun
the Stipulation, and left it practically out of sight, when the
push came. Our Constitutional Historian may shadow the rest:--

"France and England going to War in these sad circumstances, and
France and Austria being privately prepared [by Kaunitz and others]
to swear everlasting friendship on the occasion, instead of
everlasting enmity as heretofore; unexpected changes, miraculous to
the Gazetteers, became inevitable;--nothing less, in short, than
explosion or topsy-turvying of the old Diplomatic-Political Scheme
of Europe. Old dance of the Constellations flung heels-over-head on
the sudden; and much pirouetting, jigging, setting, before they
could change partners, and continue their august dance again,
whether in War or Peace. No end to the industrious wonder of the
Gazetteer mind, to the dark difficulties of the Diplomatic.
What bafflings, agonistic shufflings, impotent gazings into the
dark; what seductive fiddling, and being fiddled to! A most sad
function of Humanity, if sometimes an inevitable one; which ought
surely at all times to be got over as briefly as possible.
To be written of, especially, with a maximum of brevity;
human nature being justly impatient of talk about it, beyond the
strictly needful."

Most true it is, and was most miraculous, though now quite
forgotten again, Political Europe had to make a complete whirl-
round on that occasion. And not in a day, and merely saying to
itself, "Let me do summerset!" as idle readers suppose,--but with
long months of agonistic shuffle and struggle in all places, and
such Diplomatic fiddling and being fiddled to, as seldom was
before. Of which, these two instances, the Bernis and the Hanbury,
are to serve as specimen; two and no more: a universe of extinct
fiddling compressed into two nutshells, if readers have an ear.



Chapter III.

FRENCH-ENGLISH WAR BREAKS OUT.

The French, in reality a good deal astonished at the Prussian-
Britannic Treaty, affected to take it easy: "Treaty for Neutrality
of Germany?" said they: "Very good indeed. Perhaps there are places
nearer us, where our troops can be employed to more advantage!"
[Their "Declaration" on it (Adelung, vii. 613.]--hinting vocally,
as henceforth their silent procedures, their diligence in the
dockyards, moving of troops coastward and the like, still more
clearly did, That an Invasion of England itself was the thing next
to be expected.

England and France are, by this time, alike fiercely determined on
War; but their states of preparation are very different. The French
have War-ships again, not to mention Armies which they always have;
some skilful Admirals withal,--La Gallisonniere, our old Canada
friend, is one, very busy at present;--and mean to try seriously
the Question of Sea-Supremacy once more. If an Invasion did chance
to land, the state of England would be found handy beyond hope!
How many fighting regiments England has, I need not inquire, nor
with what strategic virtue they would go to work;--enough to
mention the singular fact (recently true, and still, I perceive,
too like the truth), That of all their regiments, "only Three are
in this Country", or have Colonels even nominated. Incredible;
but certain. And the interesting point is, his Grace of Newcastle
dare not have Colonels, still less higher Officers nominated;
because Royal Highness of Cumberland would have the naming of them,
and they would be enemies to his Grace. [Walpole,  George
the Second,  ii. 19 (date, "March 25th, 1755;" and how
long after, is not said: but see Pitt's Speeches, ib., all through
1756, and farther).] In such posture stands the Envy of surrounding
Nations at this moment.

"Hire Hessians," cry they; "hire Hanoverians; if France land on us,
we are undone!"--and continue their Parliamentary Eloquences in a
most distressful manner. "Apply to the Dutch, at any rate, for
their 6,000 as per Treaty", cries everybody. Which is done. But the
Dutch piteously wring their hands: "Dare not, your Majesty;
how dare we, for France and our neglected Barrier! Oh, generous
Majesty, excuse us!"--and the generous Majesty has to do it;
and leave the Dutch in peace, this time. Hessians, Hanoverians,
after eloquence enough, are at last got sent for, to guard us
against this terrible Invasion: about 10,000 of each kind; and do
land, --the native populations very sulky on them ("We won't billet
you, not we; build huts, and be--!"), with much Parliamentary and
Newspaper Commentary going on, of a distressful nature.
"Saturday, 15th May, 1756, Hessians disembark at Southampton;
obliged to pitch Camp in the neighborhood: Friday, 21st May, the
Hanoverians, at Chatham, who hut themselves Canterbury way;"--and
have (what is the sum-total of their achievements in this Country)
a case of shoplifting, "pocket-handkerchief, across the counter, in
open day;" one case (or what seemed to be one, but was not);
["At Maidstone, 13th Septemher, 1756;" Hanoverian soldier,
purchasing a handkerchief, imagines he has purchased two (not yet
clipt asunder), haberdasher and he having no language in common:
 Gentleman's Magazine,  for 1756, pp. 259, 448,
&c.; Walpole, SAEPIUS.] "and the fellow not to be tried by us for
it!" which enrages the constitutional heart. Alas, my heavy-laden
constitutional heart; but what can we do? These drilled louts will
guard us, should this terrible Invasion land. And indeed, about
three weeks BEFORE these louts arrived, the terrible Invasion had
declared itself to have been altogether a feint; and had lifted
anchor, quite in the opposite direction, on an errand we shall hear
of soon!

About the same date, I observe, "the first regiment of Footguards
practising the Prussian drill-exercise in Hyde Park;" and hope his
Grace of Newcastle and the Hero of Culloden (immortal Hero, and
aiming high in Politics at this time) will, at least, have fallen
upon some method of getting Colonels nominated. But the wide-
weltering chaos of platitudes, agitated by hysterical imbecilities,
regulating England in this great crisis, fills the constitutional
mind with sorrow; and indeed is definable, once more, as amazing!
England is a stubborn Country; but it was not by procedures of the
Cumberland-Newcastle kind that England, and her Colonies, and Sea-
and-Land Kingdoms, was built together; nor by these, except miracle
intervene, that she can stand long against stress! Looking at the
dismal matter from this distance, there is visible to me in the
foggy heart of it one lucent element, and pretty much one only;
the individual named William Pitt, as I have read him: if by
miracle that royal soul could, even for a time, get to something of
Kingship there? Courage; miracles do happen, let us hope!--This is
whitherward the grand Invasion had gone:--

TOULON, 10th APRIL, 1756. La Gallisonniere, our old Canadian
friend, a crooked little man of great faculty, who has been busy in
the dockyards lately, weighs anchor from Toulon; "12 sail of the
line, 5 frigates and above 100 transport-ships;" with the grand
Invasion-of-England Armament on board: 16,000 picked troops,
complete in all points, Marechal Duc de Richelieu commanding.
[Adelung, viii. 70.] Weighs anchor; and, singular to see, steers,
not for England, and the Hessian-Hanover Defenders (who would have
been in such excellent time); but direct for Minorca, as the surer
thing! Will seize Minorca; a so-called inexpugnable Possession of
the English,--Key of their Mediterranean Supremacies;--really
inexpugnable enough; but which lies in the usual dilapidated state,
though by chance with a courageous old Governor in it, who will not
surrender quite at once.

APRIL 18th, La Gallisonniere disembarks his Richelieu with a
Sixteen Thousand, unopposed at Port-Mahon, or Fort St. Philip, in
Minorca; who instantly commences Siege there. To the astonishment
of England and his Grace of Newcastle who, except old Governor
Blakeney, much in dilapidation ("wooden platforms rotten,"
"batteries out of repair," and so on), have nothing ready for
Richelieu in that quarter. The story of Minorca; and the furious
humors and tragic consummations that arose on it, being still well
known, we will give the dates only.

FORT ST. PHILIP, APRIL 18th-MAY 20th. For a month, Richelieu,
skilful in tickling the French troops, has been besieging, in a
high and grandiose way; La Gallisonniere vigilantly cruising;
old Blakeney, in spite of the rotten platforms, vigorously holding
out; when--May 19th, La Gallisonniere descries an English fleet in
the distance; indisputably an English fleet; and clears his decks
for a serious Affair just coming. THURSDAY, 20th MAY, Admiral Byng
accordingly (for it is he, son of that old seaworthy Byng, who once
"blew out" a minatory Spanish Fleet and "an absurd Flame of War" in
the Straits of Messina, and was made Lord Torrington in
consequence,--happily now dead)--Admiral Byng does come on;
and gains himself a name badly memorable ever since. Attacks La
Gallisonniere, in a wide-lying, languid, hovering, uncertain
manner:--"Far too weak" he says; "much disprovided, destitute, by
blame of Ministry and of everybody" (though about the strength of
La Gallisonniere, after all);--is almost rather beaten by La
Gallisonniere; does not in the least, beat him to the right
degree:--and sheers off: in the night-time, straight for Gibraltar
again. To La Gallisonniere's surprise, it is said; no doubt to old
Blakeney and his poor Garrison's, left so, to their rotten
platforms and their own shifts.

Blakeney and Garrison stood to their guns in a manful manner, for
above a month longer; day after day, week after week, looking over
the horizon for some Byng or some relief appearing, to no purpose!
JUNE 14th, there are three available breaches; the walls, however,
are very sheer (a Fortress hewn in the rock): Richelieu scanning
them dubiously, and battering his best, for about a fortnight more,
is ineffectual on Blakeney.

JUNE 27th, Richelieu, taking his measures well, tickling French
honor well, has determined on storm. Richelieu, giving order of the
day, "Whosoever of you is found drunk shall NOT be of the storm-
party" (which produced such a teetotalism as nothing else had
done),--storms, that night, with extreme audacity. The Place has to
capitulate: glorious victory; honorable defence: and Minorca gone.

And England is risen to a mere smoky whirlwind, of rage, sorrow and
darkness, against Byng and others. Smoky darkness, getting streaked
with dangerous fire. "Tried?" said his Grace of Newcastle to the
City Deputation: "Oh indeed he shall be tried immediately; he shall
be hanged directly!"--assure yourselves of that. [Walpole, ii. 231:
Details of the Siege, ib. 218-225; in  Gentleman's
Magazine, xxvi. 256, 312-313, 358; in Adelung, vii.; &c. &c.]
And Byng's effigy was burnt all over England. And mobs attempt to
burn his Seat and Park; and satires and caricatures and firebrands
are coming out: and the poor Constitutional Country is bent on
applying surgery, if it but know how. Surgery to such indisputable
abominations was certainly desirable. The new Relief Squadron,
which had been despatched by Majesty's Ministry, was too late for
Blakeney, but did bring home a superseded Byng.

SPITHEAD, TUESDAY, 27th JULY, The superseded Byng arrives; is
punctually arrested, on arriving: "Him we will hang directly:--
is there anything else we can try [except, perhaps, it were hanging
of ourselves, and our fine methods of procedure], by way of
remedying you?"--War against France, now a pretty plain thing, had
been "declared," 17th May (French counter-declaring, 9th June):
and, under a Duke of Newcastle and a Hero of Culloden, not even
pulling one way, but two ways; and a Talking-Apparatus full of
discords at this time, and pulling who shall say how many ways,--
the prospects of carrying on said War are none of the best.
Lord Loudon, a General without skill, and commanding, as Pitt
declares, "a scroll of Paper hitherto" (a good few thousands marked
on it, and perhaps their Colonels even named), is about going for
America; by no means yet gone, a long way from gone: and, if the
Laws of Nature be suspended--Enough of all that!


KING PRIEDRICH'S ENIGMA GETS MORE AND MORE STRINGENT.

Friedrich's situation, in those fatefully questionable months and
for many past (especially from January 16th to July),--readers must
imagine it, for there is no description possible. In many
intricacies Friedrich has been; but never, I reckon, in any equal
to this. Himself certain what the Two Imperial Women have vowed
against him; self and Winterfeld certain of that sad truth; and all
other mortals ready to deny it, and fly delirious on hint of it,
should he venture to act in consequence! Friedrich's situation is
not unimaginable, when (as can now be done by candid inquirers who
will take trouble enough) the one or two internal facts of it are
disengaged from the roaring ocean of clamorous delusions which then
enveloped them to everybody, and are held steadily in view, said
ocean being well run off to the home of it very deep underground.
Lies do fall silent; truth waits to be recognized, not always in
vain. No reader ever will conceive the strangling perplexity of
that situation, now so remote and extinct to us. All I can do is,
to set down what features of it have become indisputable; and leave
them as detached traceries, as fractions of an outline, to coalesce
into something of image where they can.

Winterfeld's opinion was, for some time past, distinct:
"Attack them; since it is certain they only wait to attack us!"
But Friedrich would by no means listen to that. "We must not be the
aggressor, my friend; that would spoil all. Perhaps the English
will pacify the Russian CATIN for me; tie her, with packthreads,
bribes and intrigues, from stirring? Wait, watch!" Fiery
Winterfeld, who hates the French, who despises the Austrians, and
thinks the Prussian Army a considerable Fact in Politics, has great
schemes: far too great for a practical Friedrich. "Plunge into the
Austrians with a will: Prussian Soldiery,--can Austrians resist it?
Ruin them, since they are bent on ruining us. Stir up the Hungarian
Protestants; try all things. Home upon our implacable enemies,
sword drawn, scabbard flung away! And the French,--what are the
French? Our King should be Kaiser of Teutschland; and he can, and
he may:--the French would then be quieter!" These things Winterfeld
carried in his head; and comrades have heard them from him over
wine. [Retzow, i. 43, &c.] To all which Friedrich, if any whisper
of them ever got to Friedrich, would answer one can guess how.

It is evident, Friedrich had not given up his hope (indeed, for
above a year more, he never did) that England might, by profuse
bribery,--"such the power of bribery in that mad court!"--assuage,
overnet with backstairs packthreads, or in some way compesce the
Russian delirium for him. And England, his sole Ally in the world,
still tender of Austria, and unable to believe what the full
intentions of Austria are; England demands much wariness in his
procedures towards Austria; reiterating always, "Wait, your
Majesty! Oh, beware!"--

His own Army, we need not say, is in perfect preparation. The Army
--let us guess, 150,000 regular, or near 200,000 of all arms and
kinds [Archenholtz (i, 8) counts vaguely "160,000" at this date.]--
never was so perfect before or since. Old Captains in it, whom we
used to know, are grayer and wiser; young, whom we heard less of,
are grown veterans of trust. Schwerin, much a Cincinnatus since we
last saw him, has laid down his plough again, a fervid "little
Marlborough" of seventy-two;--and will never see that beautiful
Schwerinsburg, and its thriving woods and farm-fields, any more.
Ugly Walrave is not now chief Engineer; one Balbi, a much prettier
man, is. Ugly Walrave (Winterfeld suspecting and watching him) was
found out; convicted of "falsified accounts," of "sending plans to
the Enemy," of who knows all what;--and sits in Magdeburg (in a
thrice-safe prison-cell of his own contriving), prisoner for life.
["Arrested at Potsdam 12th February, 1748, and after trial put into
the STERN at Magdeburg; sat there till he died, 16th January, 1773"
( Militalr-Lexikon,  iv. 150-151).] The Old
Dessauer is away, long since; and not the Old alone. Dietrich of
Dessau is now "Guardian to his Nephew," who is a Child left Heir
there. Death has been busy with the Dessauers:--but here is Prince
Moritz, "the youngest, more like his Father than any of them."
Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, Moritz of Dessau, Keith, Duke of
Brunswick-Bevern: no one of these people has been idle, in the ten
years past. Least of all, has the Chief Captain of them,--whose
diligence and vigilance in that sphere, latterly, were not likely
to decline!

Friedrich's Army is in the perfection of order. Ready at the hour,
for many months back; but the least motion he makes with it is a
subject of jealousy. Last year, on those Russian advancings and
alacrities, he had marched some Regiments into Pommern, within
reach of Preussen, should the Russians actually try a stroke there:
"See!" cried all the world: "See!" cried the enlightened Russian
Public. This year 1756, from June onwards and earlier, there are
still more fatal symptoms, on the Austrian side: great and evident
War-preparations; Magazines forming; Camps in Bohemia, Moravia;
Camp at Konigsgratz, Camp at Prag,--handy for the Silesian Border.
Friedrich knows they have deliberated on their Pretext for a War,
and have fixed on what will do,--some new small Prussian-
Mecklenburg brabble, which there has lately been; paltry enough
recruiting-quarrel, such as often are (and has been settled
mutually some time ago, this one, but is capable of being ripped up
again);--and that, on this cobweb of a pretext, they mean to draw
sword when they like. Russia too has its Pretext ready. And if
Friedrich hint of stirring, England whispers hoarse, England and
other friends, "Wait, your Majesty! Oh, beware!" To keep one's  
sword at its sharpest, and, with an easy patient air, one's eyes
vigilantly open: this is nearly all that Friedrich can do, in
neighborhood of such portentous imminencies. He has many critics,
near and far;--for instance:--

BERLIN, 31st JULY, 1756, Excellency Valori writes to Versailles:
... "to give you account of a Conversation I have had, a day or two
ago, with the Prince of Prussia [August Wilhelm, Heir-Apparent],
who honors me with a particular confidence,"--and who appears to
be, privately, like some others, very strong in the Opposition
view. "He talked to me of the present condition of the King his
Brother, of his Brother's apprehensions, of his military
arrangements, of the little trust placed in him by neighbors, of
their hostile humor towards him, and of many other things which
this good Prince [little understanding them, as would appear, or
the dangerous secret that lay under them] did not approve of.
The Prince then said,"--listen to what the Prince of Prussia said
to Valori, one of the last days of July, 1756,--

"'There is an Anecdote which continually recurs to me, in the
passes we are got to at present. Putting the case we might be
attacked by Russia, and perhaps by Austria, the late Rothenburg was
sent [as readers know], on the King's part, to Milord Tyrconnel, to
know of him what, in such case, were the helps he might reckon on
from France. Milord enumerated the various helps; and then added
[being a blusterous Irishman, sent hither for his ill tongue]:
"Helps enough, you observe, Monsieur; but, MORBLEU, if you deceive
us, you will be squelched (VOUS SEREZ ECRASES)!" The King my
'Brother was angry enough at hearing such a speech: but, my dear
Marquis,' and the Prince turned full upon me with a face of
inquiry, 'Can the thing actually come true? And do you think it can
be the interest of your Master [and his Scarlet Woman] to abandon
us to the fury of our enemies? Ah, that cursed Convention
[Neutrality-Convention with England]! I would give a finger from my
hand that it had never been concluded. I never approved of it;
ask the Duc de Nivernois, he knows what we said of it together.
But how return on our steps? Who would now trust us?'" This Prince
appeared "to be much affected by the King his Brother's situation
[of which he understood as good as nothing], and agreed that he,"
the King his Brother, "had well deserved it." [Valori, ii,
129-131.]

This is not the first example, nor the last, of August Wilhelm's
owning a heedless, good-natured tongue; considerably prone to take
the Opposition side, on light grounds. For which if he found a kind
of solacement and fame in some circles, it was surely at a dear
rate! To his Brother, that bad habit would, most likely, be known;
and his Brother, I suppose, did not speak of it at all; such his
Brother's custom in cases of the kind.--Judicious Valori, by way of
answer, dilated on the peculiar esteem of his Majesty Louis XV. for
the Prussian Majesty,--"so as my Instructions direct me to do;" and
we hear no more of the Prince of Prussia's talk, at this time;
but shall in future; and may conjecture a great deal about the
atmosphere Friedrich had now to live in. A Friedrich undergoing,
privately, a great deal of criticism: "Mad tendency to war; lust of
conquest; contempt for his neighbors, for the opinion of the
world;--no end of irrational tendencies:" [Ib. ii. 124-151 ("July
27th-August 21st").] from persons to whom the secret of his Problem
is deeply unknown.

One wise thing the English have done: sent an Excellency Mitchell,
a man of loyalty, of sense and honesty, to be their Resident at
Berlin. This is the noteworthy, not yet much noted, Sir Andrew
Mitchell; by far the best Excellency England ever had in that
Court. An Aberdeen Scotchman, creditable to his Country:
hard-headed, sagacious; sceptical of shows; but capable of
recognizing substances withal, and of standing loyal to them,
stubbornly if needful; who grew to a great mutual regard with
Friedrich, and well deserved to do so; constantly about him, during
the next seven years; and whose Letters are among the perennially
valuable Documents on Friedrich's History. [Happily secured in the
British Museum; and now in the most perfect order for consulting
(thanks to Sir F. Madden "and three years' labor" well invested);--
should certainly, and will one day, be read to the bottom, and
cleared of their darknesses, extrinsic and intrinsic (which are
considerable) by somebody competent.]

Mitchell is in Berlin since June 10th. Mitchell, who is on the
scene itself, and looking into Friedrich with his own eyes, finds
the reiterating of that "Beware, your Majesty!" which had been his
chief task hitherto, a more and more questionable thing;
and suggests to him at last: "Plainly ask her Hungarian Majesty,
What is your meaning by those Bohemian Campings?" "Pshaw," answers
Friedrich: "Nothing but some ambiguous answer, perhaps with insult
in it!"--nevertheless thinks better; and determines to do so.
[Mitchell Papers.]



Chapter IV.

FRIEDRICH PUTS A QUESTION AT VIENNA, TWICE OVER.

July 18th, 1756, Friedrich despatches an Express to Graf von
Klinggraf, his Resident at Vienna (an experienced man, whom we have
seen before in old Carteret, "Conference-of-Hanau" times), To
demand audience of the Empress; and, in the fittest terms, friendly
and courteous, brief and clear, to put that question of Mitchell's
suggesting. "Those unwonted Armaments, Camps in Bohmen, Camps in
Mahren, and military movements and preparations," Klinggraf is to
say, "have caused anxiety in her Majesty's peaceable Neighbor of
Prussia; who desires always to continue in peace; and who requests
hereby a word of assurance from her Majesty, that these his
anxieties are groundless." Friedrich himself hopes little or
nothing from this; but he has done it to satisfy people about him,
and put an end to all scruples in himself and others. The Answer
may be expected in ten or twelve days.

And, about the same time,--likely enough, directly after, though
there is no date given, to a fact which is curious and authentic,--
Friedrich sent for two of his chief Generals, to Potsdam, for a
secret Conference with Winterfeld and him. The Generals are, old
Schwerin and General Retzow Senior,--Major-General Retzow, whom we
used to hear of in the Silesian Wars,--and whose Son reports on
this occasion. Conference is on this Imminency of War, and as to
what shall be done in it. Friedrich explains in general terms his
dangers from Austria and Russia, his certainty that Austria will
attack him; and asks, Were it, or were it not, better to attack
Austria, as is our Prussian principle in such case? Schwerin and
Retzow--Schwerin first, as the eldest; and after him Retzow, "who
privately has charge from the Prussian Princes to do it"--opine
strongly: That indications are uncertain, that much seems
inevitable which does not come; that in a time of such tumultuous
whirlings and unexpected changes, the true rule is, Watch well,
and wait.

After enough of this, with Winterfeld looking dissent but saying
almost nothing, Friedrich gives sign to Winterfeld;--who spreads
out, in their lucidest prearranged order, the principal Menzel-
Weingarten Documents; and bids the two Military Gentlemen read.
They read; with astonishment, are forced to believe; stand gazing
at one another;--and do now take a changed tone. Schwerin, "after a
silence of everybody for some minutes,"--"bursts out like one
inspired; 'If War is to be and must be, let us start to-morrow;
seize Saxony at once; and in that rich corny Country form Magazines
for our Operations on Bohemia!'" [Retzow, i. 39.]

That is privately Friedrich's own full intention. Saxony, with its
Elbe River as Highway, is his indispensable preliminary for
Bohemia: and he will not, a second time, as he did in 1744 with
such results, leave it in an unsecured condition. Adieu then,
Messieurs; silent: AU REVOIR, which may be soon! Retzow Junior, a
rational, sincere, but rather pipe-clayed man, who is wholly to be
trusted on this Conference, with his Father for authority, has some
touches of commentary on it, which indicate (date being 1802) that
till the end of his life, or of Prince Henri his Patron's, there
remained always in some heads a doubt as to Friedrich's wisdom in
regard to starting the Seven-Years War, and to Schwerin's entire
sincerity in that inspired speech. And still more curious, that
there was always, at Potsdam as elsewhere, a Majesty's Opposition
Party; privately intent to look at the wrong side; and doing it
diligently,--though with lips strictly closed for most part;
without words, except well-weighed and to the wise: which is an
excellent arrangement, for a Majesty and Majesty's Opposition,
where feasible in the world!--

From Retzow I learn farther, that Winterfeld, directly on the back
of this Conference, took a Tour to the Bohemian Baths, "To
Karlsbad, or Toplitz, for one's health;" and wandered about a good
deal in those Frontier Mountains of Bohemia, taking notes, taking
sketches (not with a picturesque view); and returned by the Saxon
Pirna Country, a strange stony labyrinth, which he guessed might
possibly be interesting soon. The Saxon Commandant of the
Konigstein, lofty Fortress of those parts, strongest in Saxony, was
of Winterfeld's acquaintance: Winterfeld called on this Commandant;
found his Konigstein too high for cannonading those neighborhoods,
but that there was at the base of it a new Work going on; and that
the Saxons were, though languidly, endeavoring to bestir themselves
in matters military. Their entire Army at present is under 20,000;
but, in the course of next Winter, they expect to have it 40,000.
Shall be of that force, against Season 1757. No doubt Winterfeld's
gatherings and communications had their uses at Potsdam, on his
getting home from this Tour to Toplitz.

Meanwhile, Klinggraf has had his Audience at Vienna; and has sped
as ill as could have been expected. The Answer given was of
supercilious brevity; evasive, in effect null, and as good as
answering, That there is no answer. Two Accounts we have, as
Friedrich successively had them, of this famed passage:
FIRST, Klinggraf's own, which is clear, rapid, and stands by the
essential; SECOND, an account from the other side of the scenes,
furnished by Menzel of Dresden, for Friedrich's behoof and ours;
which curiously illustrates the foregoing, and confirms the
interpretation Friedrich at once made of it. This is Menzel's
account; in other words, the Saxon Envoy at Vienna's, stolen
by Menzel.

July 26th, it appears, Klinggraf--having applied to Kaunitz the day
before, who noticed a certain flurry in him, and had answered
carelessly, "Audience? Yes, of course; nay I am this moment going
to the Empress: only you must tell me about what?"--was admitted to
the Imperial Presence, he first of many that were waiting. Imperial
Presence held in its hand a snip of Paper, carefully composed by
Kaunitz from the data, and read these words: "DIE BEDENKLICHEN
UMSTANDE, The questionable circumstances of the Time have moved me
to consider as indispensably necessary those measures which, for my
own security and for defence of my Allies, I am taking, and which
otherwise do not tend the least towards injury of anybody
whatsoever;"--and adding no syllable more, gave a sign with her
hand, intimating to Klinggraf that the Interview was done.
Klinggraf strode through the Antechamber, "visibly astonished," say
on-lookers, at such an Answer had. Answer, in fact, "That there is
no answer," and the door flung in your face! [ Helden-
Geschichte,  iii. 772. In Valori, ii. 128, Friedrich's
little Paper of INSTRUCTIONS to Klinggraf; this Vienna ANSWER to
it, ib. 138:--see ib. 138, 162; and  Gesammelte
Nachrichten,  ii. 214-221.]

Friedrich, on arrival of report from Klinggraf, and without waiting
for the Menzel side of the scenes, sees that the thing is settled.
Writes again, however (August 2d, probably the day after, or the
same day, Klinggraf's Despatch reached him); instructing Klinggraf
To request "a less oracular response;" and specially, "If her
Imperial Majesty (Austria and Russia being, as is understood, in
active League against, him) will say, That Austria will not attack
him this year or the next?" Draw up memorial of that, Monsieur
Klinggraf; and send us the supercilious No-Answer: till which
arrive we do not cross the Frontier,--but are already everywhere on
march to it, in an industrious, cunningly devised, evident and yet
impenetrably mysterious manner.

Excellency Valori never saw such activity of military preparation:
such Artillery, "2,000 big pieces in the Park here;" Regiments,
Wagon-trains, getting under way everywhere, no man can guess
whitherward; "drawn up in the Square here, they know not by what
Gate they are to march." By three different Gates, I should think;
--mysteriously, in Three Directions, known only to King Friedrich
and his Adjutant-General, all these Regiments in Berlin and
elsewhere are on march. Towards Halle (Leipzig way);
towards Brietzen (Wittenberg and Torgau way); towards Bautzen
neighborhood,--towards Three settled Points of the Saxon Frontier;
will step across the instant the supercilious No-Answer comes to
hand. Are to converge about Dresden and the Saxon Switzerland;--
about 65,000 strong, equipped as no Army before or since has been;
--and take what luck there may be.

Bruhl and Polish Majesty's Army, still only about 18,000, have
their apprehensions of such visit: but what can they do? The Saxon
Army draws out into Camp, at sight of this mysterious marching;
strong Camp "in the angle of Elbe and Mulde Rivers;"--then draws in
again; being too weak for use. And is thinking, Menzel informs us,
to take post in the stony labyrinthic Pirna Country: such the
advice an Excellency Broglio has given;--French Excellency, now in
Dresden; Marechal de Broglio's Son, and of little less explosive
nature than his Father was. Bruhl and Polish Majesty, guessing that
the hour is come, are infinitely interested. Interested, not
flurried. "Austrian-Russian Anti-Prussian Covenant!" say Bruhl and
Majesty, rather comfortably to themselves: "We never signed it.
WE never would sign anything; what have we to do with it? Courage;
steady; To Pirna, if they come! Are not Excellency Broglio, and
France, and Austria, and the whole world at our back?"

It was full three weeks before Klinggraf's Message of Answer could
arrive at Berlin. Of Friedrich in the interim, launching such a
world-adventure, himself silent, in the midst of a buzzing Berlin,
take these indications, which are luminous enough. Duke Ferdinand
of Brunswick is to head one of the Three "Columns." Duke Ferdinand,
Governor of Magdeburg, is now collecting his Column in that
neighborhood, chiefly at Halle; whitherward, or on what errand, is
profoundly unknown. Unknown even to Ferdinand, except that it is
for actual Service in the Field. Here are two Friedrich Letters
(ruggedly Official, the first of them, and not quite peculiar to
Ferdinand), which are worth reading:--

THE KING TO DUKE FERDINAND OF BRUNSWICK.

"POTSDAM, 15th August, 1756.

"For time of Field-Service I have made the arrangement, That for
the Subaltern Officers of your regiment, over and above their
ordinary Equipage-moneys, there shall, to each Subaltern Officer,
and once for all, be Eight Thalers [twenty-four shillings sterling]
advanced. That sum [eight thalers per subaltern] shall be paid to
the Captain of every Company; and besides this there shall,
monthly, Two Thalers be deducted from the Subaltern's Pay, and be
likewise paid over to the Captain:--in return for which, He is to
furnish Free Table for the Subalterns throughout the Campaign, and
so long as the regiment is in the field.

"Of the Two Baggage-carts per Company, the regiment shall take only
One, and leave the other at home. No Officer, let him be who or of
what title he will, Generals not excepted, shall take with him the
least of Silver Plate, not even a silver spoon. Whoever wants,
therefore, to keep table, great or small (TAFEL ODER TISCH), must
manage the same with tin utensils;--without exception, be he who
he will.

"Each Captain shall take with him a little Cask of Vinegar;
of which, as soon as the regiments get to Camp, he must give me
reckoning, and I will then have him repaid. This Vinegar shall
solely and exclusively be employed for this purpose, That in places
where the water is bad, there be poured into it, for the soldiers,
a few drops of the vinegar, to correct the water, and thereby
preserve them from illnesses.

"So soon as the regiment gets on march, the Women who have
permission to follow are put under command of the Profoss;
that thereby all plunderings and disorders may the more be guarded
against. If the Captains and Officers take Grooms (JAGER) or the
like Domestics, there can muskets be given to these, that use may
be had of them, in case of an attack in quarters, or on march, when
a WAGENBURG (wagon-fortress) is to be formed. ...    FRIEDRICH."
[Preuss, ii. 6, 7.]

SAME TO SAME (Confidential, this one).

"POTSDAH, 24th August.

... "Make as if you were meaning to go into Camp at Halle.
The reason why I stop you is, that the Courier from Vienna has not
yet come. We must therefore reassure the Saxon neighborhood.
... I have been expecting answer from hour to hour; cannot suitably
begin a War-Expedition till it come; do therefore apprise Your
Dilection, though under the deepest secrecy.

"And it is necessary, and my Will is, That, till farther order, you
keep all the regiments and corps belonging to your Column in the
places where they are when this arrives. And shall, meanwhile, with
your best skill mask all this, both from the Town of Halle, and
from the regiments themselves; making, in conformity with what I
said yesterday, as if you were a Corps of Observation come to
encamp here, and were waiting the last orders to go into camp.

FRIEDRICH." [Ib. ii. 7, 8.]


And in regard to the Vienna Courier, and Friedrich's attitude
towards that Phenomenon, read only these Two Notes:--

 1. FRIEDRICH TO THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA AND THE PRINCESS AMELIA (at Berlin)

POTSDAM, "25th August," 1756.

"MY DEAR BROTHER, MY DEAR SISTER,--I write to you both at once, for
want of time. I will follow the advice you are so good as give me;
and will take leave of the Queen [our dear Mamma] by Letter.
And that the reading of my Letter may not frighten her, I will send
it by my Sister, to be presented in a favorable moment.

"I have yet got no Answer from Vienna; by Klinggraf's account, I
shall not receive it till to-morrow [came this night], But I count
myself surer of War than ever; as the Austrians have named
Generals, and their Army is ordered to march, from Kolin to
Konigsgratz"--Schlesien way. "So that, expecting nothing but a
haughty Answer, or a very uncertain one, on which there will be no
reliance possible, I have arranged everything for setting out on
Saturday next. To-morrow, so soon as the news comes, I will not
fail to let you know. Assuring you that I am, with a perfect
affection, my dear Brother and my dear Sister,--Yours,--F."
[ OEuvres de Frederic,  xxvi. 155.]

Answer comes from Klinggraf that same night. Once more, an Answer
almost worse than could have been expected. "The 'League with
Russia against you' is nonextant, a thing of your imagination:
Have not we already answered?" [In  Gesammelte Urkunden,
 i. 217: Klinggraf's second question (done by Letter
this time), "18th August;" Maria Theresa's Answer, "21st August,"]
Whereupon,

2. FRIEDRICH TO THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA.

POTSDAM, "26th August," 1756.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have already written to the Queen; softening
things as much as I could [Letter lost]. My Sister, to whom I
address the Letter, will deliver it.

"You have seen the Paper I sent to Klinggraf. Their Answer is 'That
they have not made an Offensive Alliance with Russia against me.'
The Answer is impertinent, high and contemptuous; and of the
Assurance that I required [as to This Year and next], not one word.
So that the sword alone can cut this Gordian Knot. I am innocent of
this War; I have done what I could to avoid it; but whatever be
one's love of peace, one cannot and must not sacrifice to that,
one's safety and one's honor. Such, I believe, will be your opinion
too, from the sentiments I know in you. At present, our one thought
must be, To do War in such a way as may cure our Enemies of their
wish to break Peace again too soon. I embrace you with all my
heart. I have had no end of business (TERRIBLEMENT A FAIRE)."--F.
[ OEuvres,  xxvi. 116.]

THE MARCH INTO SAXONY, IN THREE COLUMNS.

Ahead of that last Note, from an earlier hour of the same day,
Thursday, 26th August, there is speeding forth, to all Three
Generals of Division, this Order (take Duke Ferdinand's copy}:--
                                       {not in original] ^
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

"I hereby order that Your Dilection (EW. LIEBDEN), with all the
regiments and corps in the Column standing under your command,
Shall now, without more delay, get on march, on the 29th inst.;
and proceed, according to the March-Tables and Instructions already
given, to execute what Your Dilection has got in charge."--F.

The same Thursday, 26th, Excellency Mitchell, informed by Podewils
of the King's wish to see him at Potsdam, gets under way from
Berlin; arrives "just time enough to speak with the King before he
sat down to supper." Very many things to be consulted of, and
deliberatively touched upon, with Mitchell and England; no end of
things and considerations, for England and King Friedrich, in this
that is now about to burst forth on an astonished world!--Over in
London, we observe, just in the hours when Mitchell was harnessing
for Potsdam, and so many Orders and Letters were speeding their
swiftest in that quarter, there is going forward, on Tower-Hill
yonder, the following Operation:--

"LONDON, THURSDAY, 26th AUGUST, 1756. About five in the afternoon,
a noted Admiral [only in Effigy as yet; but who has been held in
miserable durance, and too actual question of death or life, ever
since his return: "Oh, yes indeed! Hang HIM at once",--if that can
be a remedy!] was, after having been privately shown to many ladies
and gentlemen, brought--in an open sedan, guarded by a number of
young gentlemen under arms, with drums beating, colors flying--to
Tower-Hill, where a Gallows had been erected for him at six the
same morning. He was richly dressed, in a blue and gold coat, buff
waistcoat, trimmed, &c. in full uniform. When brought under the
Gallows, he stayed a small space, till his clergyman (a chimney-
sweeper) had given him some admonitions: that done, he was drawn,
by pulleys, to the top of the Gallows, which was twenty feet high;
every person expressing as much satisfaction as if it had been the
real man.

"He remained there, guarded by the above volunteers, without any
molestation, two hours; when, upon a supposition of being
obstructed by the Governor of the Tower, some sailors appeared, who
wanted to pull him down, in order to drag him along the streets.
But a fire being kindled, which consisted of tar-barrels, fagots,
tables, tubs, &c., he was consumed in about half an hour."
[Old Newspapers ( Gentleman's Magazine, 
xxvi. 409).]

That is their employment on Tower-Hill, over yonder, while Mitchell
is getting under way to see Friedrich.

Mitchell continued at Potsdam over Friday; and was still in eager
consultation that night, when the King said to him, with a certain
expressiveness of glance: "BON SOIR, then;--To-morrow morning
about four!" And on the morrow, Saturday, 28th, Mitchell
reports hurriedly:--

"... Am just returned to Berlin, in time to write to your Lordship.
This morning, between four and five, I took leave of the King of
Prussia. Hr went immediately upon the Parade; mounted on horseback;
and, after a very short exercise of his Troops, put himself at
their head; and marched directly for Belitz [half-way to Brietzen,
TREUENbrietzen as they call it]; where, To-morrow, he will enter
the Saxon Territory,"--as, at their respective points, his two
other Columns will;--and begin, who shall say what terrible game;
incalculable to your Lordship and me, with such Operations afoot on
Tower-Hill! [Mitchell Papers, vi. 804 ("To Lord Holderness, 28th
August, 1756").]--

Seven Hussar Regiments of Duke Ferdinand's Column got the length of
Leipzig that Sunday Evening, 29th; and took possession of the
place. [In  Helden-Geschichte,  iii. 731, his
"Proclamation" there, 29th August, 1756.] Duke Ferdinand to right
of the King, Duke of Brunswick-Bevern to left,--the Three Columns
cross the Border, at points, say 80 miles from one another;
occasionally, on the march, bending to rightwards and leftwards, to
take in the principal Towns, and make settlements there, the two
might be above a hundred miles from Friedrich on each hand. The
length of march for each Column,--Ferdinand "from Leipzig, by
Chemnitz, Freyberg, Dippoldiswalde, to the Village of Cotta" (Pirna
neighborhood, south of Elbe); Bevern, "through the Lausitz, by
Bautzen, to Lohmen" (same neighborhood, north of Elbe);
King Friedrich, to Dresden, by the course of the Elbe itself, was
not far from equal, and may be called about 150 miles. They marched
with diligence, not with hurry; had their pauses, rest-days, when
business required. They got to their ground, with the
simultaneousness appointed, on the eleventh or twelfth day.

The middle Column, under the King, where Marshal Keith is second in
command, goes by Torgau (detaching Moritz of Dessau to pick up
Wittenberg, and ruin the slight works there); crosses the Elbe at
Torgau, September 2d; marches, cantoning itself day after day,
along the southern bank of the River; leaves Meissen to the left, I
perceive, does not pass through Meissen; comes first at Wilsdruf on
ground where we have been,--and portions of it, I doubt not, were
billeted in Kesselsdorf; and would take a glance at the old Field,
if they had time. There is strict discipline in all the Columns;
the authorities complying on summons, and arranging what is
needful. Nobody resists; town-guards at once ground arms, and there
is no soldier visible; soldiers all ebbing away, whitherward we
guess. [ Helden-Geschichte,  iii. 732, 733;
 OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 81.]

At Wilsdruf, Friedrich first learns for certain, that the Saxon
Army, with King, with Bruhl and other chief personages, are
withdrawn to Pirna, to the inexpugnable Konigstein and Rock-
Country. The Saxon Army had begun assembling there, September 1st,
directly on the news that Friedrich was across the Border;
September 9th, on Friedrich's approach, the King and Dignitaries
move off thither, from Dresden, out of his way. Excellency Broglio
has put them on that plan. Which may have its complexities for
Friedrich, hopes Broglio,--though perhaps its still greater for
some other parties concerned! For Bruhl and Polish Majesty, as will
appear by and by, nothing could have turned out worse.

Meanwhile Friedrich pushes on: "Forward, all the same." Polish
Majesty, dating from Struppen, in the Pirna Country, has begun a
Correspondence with Friedrich, very polite on both hands; and his
Adjutant-General, the Chevalier Meagher ("Chevalier de MARRE," as
Valori calls him,--MA'AR, as he calls himself in Irish), has just
had, at Wilsdruf, an interview with Friedrich; but is far from
having got settlement on the terms he wished. Polish Majesty
magnanimously assenting to "a Road through his Country for military
purposes;" offers "the strictest Neutrality, strictest friendship
even; has done, and will do, no injury whatever to his Prussian
Majesty--["Did we ever SIGN anything?" whisper comfortably Bruhl
and he to one another];--expects, therefore, that his Prussian
Majesty will march on, whither he is bound; and leave him
unmolested here." [ Helden-Geschichte, 
iii. 774.]

That was Meagher's message; that is the purport of all his Polish
Majesty's Eleven Letters to Friedrich, which precede or follow,--
reiterating with a certain ovine obstinacy, insensible to time or
change, That such is Polish Majesty's fixed notion:
"Strict neutrality, friendship even; and leave me unmolested here."
[In  OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 235-260 ("29th
August-10th September-18th September," 1756), are collected now,
the Eleven Letters, with their Answers.] "Strict neutrality, yes:
but disperse your Army, then," answers Friedrich; send your Army
back to its cantonments: I must myself have the keeping of my
Highway, lest I lose it, as in 1744." This is Friedrich's answer;
this at first, and for some time coming; though, as the aspects
change, and the dangerous elements heap themselves higher,
Friedrich's answer will rise with them, and his terms, like the
Sibyl's, become worse and worse. This is the utmost that Meagher,
at Wilsdruf, can make of it; and this, in conceivable
circumstances, will grow less and less.

Next day, September 9th, Friedrich, with some Battalions, entered
Dresden, most of his Column taking Camp near by; General Wylich had
entered yesterday, and is already Commandant there. Friedrich
sends, by Feldmarschall Keith, highest Officer of his Column, his
homages to her Polish Majesty:--nothing given us of Keith's
Interview; except by a side-wind, "That Majesty complained of those
Prussian Sentries walking about in certain of her corridors" (with
an eye to Something, it may be feared!)--of which, doubtless, Keith
undertook to make report. Friedrich himself waits upon the Junior
Princes, who are left here: is polite and gracious as ever, though
strict, and with business enough; lodges, for his own part, "in the
Garden-House of Princess Moczinska;"--and next morning leads off
his Column, a short march eastward, to the Pirna Country; where, on
the right and on the left, Ferdinand at Cotta, Bevern at Lohmen (if
readers will look on their Map), he finds the other Two in their
due positions. Head-quarter is Gross-Sedlitz (westernmost skirt of
the Rock-region); and will have to continue so, much longer than
had been expected.

The Diplomatic world in Dresden is in great emotion; more
especially just at present. This morning, before leaving, Friedrich
had to do an exceedingly strict thing: secure the Originals of
those Menzel Documents. Originals indispensable to him, for
justifying his new procedures upon Saxony. So that there has been,
at the Palace, a Scene this morning of a very high and dissonant
nature,--"Marshal Keith" in it, "Marshal Keith making a second
visit" (say some loose and false Accounts);--the facts being
strictly as follows.

Far from removing those Prussian sentries complained of last night,
here seems to be a double strength of them this morning. And her
Polish Majesty, a severe, hard-featured old Lady, has been filled
with indignant amazement by a Prussian Officer--Major von
Wangenheim, I believe it is--requiring, in the King of Prussia's
name, the Keys of that Archive-room; Prussian Majesty absolutely
needing sight, for a little while, of certain Papers there.
"Enter that room? Archives of a crowned Head? Let me see the living
mortal that will dare to do it!"--one fancies the indignant Polish
Majesty's answer; and how, calling for materials, she "openly
sealed the door in question," in Wangenheim's presence. As this is
a celebrated Passage, which has been reported in several loose
ways, let us take it from the primary source, Chancery style and
all. Graf von Sternberg, Austrian Excellency, writing from the spot
and at the hour, informs his own Court, and through that all
Courts, in these solemnly Official terms:--

"DRESDEN, 10th SEPTEMBER, 1756. The Queen's Majesty, this forenoon,
has called to her all the Foreign Ministers now at Dresden; and in
Highest Own Person has signified to us, How, the Prussian
intrusions and hostilities being already known, Highest said
Queen's Majesty would now simply state what had farther taken place
this morning:--

"Highest said Queen's Majesty, to wit, had, in her own name,
requested the King of Prussia, in conformity with his assurances
[by Keith, yesternight] of paying every regard for Her and the
Royal Family, To remove the Prussian Sentries pacing about in those
Corridors,"--Corridors which lead to the Secret Archives, important
to some of us!--"Instead of which, the said King had not only
doubled his Sentries there; but also, by an Officer, demanded the
Keys of the Archive-apartment [just alluded to]! And as the Queen's
Majesty, for security of all writings there, offered to seal the
Door of it herself, and did so, there and then,--the said Officer
had so little respect, that he clapped his own seal thereon too.

"Nor was he content therewith,"--not by any means!--"but the same
Officer [having been with Wylich, Commandant here] came back, a
short time after, and made for opening of the Door himself.
Which being announced to the Queen's Majesty, she in her own person
(HOCHSTDIESELBE, Highest-the-Same) went out again; and standing
before the Door, informed him, 'How Highest-the-Same had too much
regard to his Prussian Majesty's given assurance, to believe that
such order could proceed from the King.' As the Officer, however,
replied, 'That he was sorry to have such an order to execute;
but that the order was serious and precise; and that he, by not
executing it, would expose himself to the greatest responsibility,"
Her Majesty continued standing before the Door; and said to the
Officer, 'If he meant to use force, he might upon Her make his
beginning.'" There is for you, Herr Wangenheim!--

"Upon which said Officer had gone away, to report anew to the King
[I think, only to Wylich the Commandant; King now a dozen miles
off, not so easily reported to, and his mind known]; and in the
mean while Her Majesty had called to her the Prussian and English
Ambassadors [Mahlzahn and Stormont; sorry both of them, but how
entirely resourceless,--especially Mahlzahn!], and had represented
and repeated to them the above; beseeching that by their
remonstrances and persuasions they would induce the King of
Prussia, conformably with his given assurance, to forbear.
Instead, however, of any fruit from such remonstrances and
urgencies, final Order came, 'That, Queen's Majesty's own Highest
Person notwithstanding, force must be used.'

"Whereupon her Majesty, to avoid actual mistreatment, had been
obliged to"--to become passive, and, no Keys being procurable from
her, see a smith with his picklocks give these Prussians admission.
Legation-Secretary Plessmann was there (Menzel one fancies sitting,
rather pale, in an adjacent room [Supra, p. 266.]); and they knew
what to do. Their smith opens the required Box for them (one of
several "all lying packed for Warsaw," says Friedrich); from which
soon taking what they needed, Wangenheim and Wylich withdrew with
their booty, and readers have the fruit of it to this day.
"Which unheard-of procedure, be pleased, your Excellencies, to
report to your respective Courts." [ Gesammelte
Nachrichten,  i. 222 (or "No. 26" of that Collection);
 OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 83.]

Poor old Lady, what a situation! And I believe she never saw her
poor old Husband again. The day he went to Pirna (morning of
yesterday, September 9th, Friedrich entering in the evening), these
poor Spouses had, little dreaming of it, taken leave of one another
forevermore. Such profit lies in your Bruhl. Kings and Queens that
will be governed by a Jesuit Guarini, and a Bruhl of the Twelve
Tailors, sometimes pay dear for it. They, or their representatives,
are sure to do so. Kings and Queens,--yes, and if that were all:
but their poor Countries too? Their Countries;--well, their
Countries did not hate Beelzebub, in his various shapes, ENOUGH.
Their Countries should have been in watch against Beelzebub in the
shape of Bruhls;--watching, and also "praying" in a heroic manner,
now fallen obsolete in these impious times!



Chapter V.

FRIEDRICH BLOCKADES THE SAXONS IN PIRNA COUNTRY.

Friedrich reckons himself to have 65,000 men in Saxony. Schwerin is
issuing from Silesia, through the Glatz Mountains, for Bohemia, at
the head of 40,000. The Austrian force is inferior in quantity, and
far from ready:--Two "Camps" in Bohemia they have; the chief one
under Browne (looking, or intending, this Saxon way), and a smaller
under Piccolomini, in the Konigshof-Kolin region:--if well run into
from front and rear, both Browne and Piccolomini might be
beautifully handled; and a gash be cut in Austria, which might
incline her to be at peace again! Nothing hinders but this paltry
Camp of the Saxons; itself only 18,000 strong, but in a Country of
such strength. And this does hinder, effectually while it
continues: "How march to Bohemia, and leave the road blocked in
our rear?"

The Saxon Camp did continue,--unmanageable by any method, for five
weeks to come; the season of war-operations gone, by that time:--
and Friedrich's First Campaign, rendered mostly fruitless in this
manner, will by no means check the Austrian truculencies, as by his
velocity he hoped to do. No; but, on the contrary, will rouse the
Austrians, French and all Enemies, to a tenfold pitch of temper.
And bring upon himself, from an astonished and misunderstanding
Public, such tempests and world-tornadoes of loud-roaring obloquy,
as even he, Friedrich, had never endured before.

To readers of a touring habit this Saxon Country is perhaps well
known. For the last half-century it has been growing more and more
famous, under the name of "Saxon Switzerland (SACHSISCHE
SCHWEITZ)," instead of "Misnian Highlands (MEISSNISCHE HOCHLAND),"
which it used to be called. A beautiful enough and extremely rugged
Country; interesting to the picturesque mind. Begins rising, in
soft Hills, on both sides of the Elbe, a few miles east of Dresden,
as you ascend the River; till it rises into Hills of wild
character, getting ever wilder, and riven into wondrous chasms and
precipices. Extends, say almost twenty miles up the River, to
Tetschen and beyond, in this eastern direction; and with perhaps
ten miles of breadth on each side of the River: area of the Rock-
region, therefore, is perhaps some four hundred square miles.
The Falkenberg (what we should call HAWKSCRAG) northeastward in the
Lausitz, the Schneeberg (SNOW MOUNTAIN), southeastward on the
Bohemian border, are about thirty-five miles apart: these two are
both reckoned to be in it,--its last outposts on that eastern side.
But the limits of it are fixed by custom only, and depend on no
natural condition.

We might define it as the Sandstone NECK of the Metal Mountains: a
rather lower block, of Sandstone, intercalated into the Metal-
Mountain range, which otherwise, on both hands, is higher, and of
harder rocks. Southward (as SHOULDER to this sandstone NECK) lies,
continuous, broad and high, the "Metal-Mountain range" specially so
called: northward and northeastward there rise, beyond that
Falkenberg, many mountains, solitary or in groups,--"the Metal
Mountains" fading out here into "the Lausitz Hills," still in fine
picturesque fashion, which are Northern Border to the great
Bohemian "Basin of the Elba," after you emerge from this Sandstone
Country.

Saxon Switzerland is not very high anywhere; 2,000 feet is a
notable degree of height: but it is torn and tumbled into stone
labyrinths, chasms and winding rock-walls, as few regions are.
Grows pinewood, to the topmost height; pine-trees far aloft look
quietly down upon you, over sheer precipices, on your intricate
path. On the slopes of the Hills is grass enough; in the intervals
are Villages and husbandries, are corn and milk for the laborious
natives,--who depend mainly on quarrying, and pine-forest work:
pines and free-stone, rafts of long slim pines, and big stone
barges, are what one sees upon the River there. A Note, not very
geological, says of it:--

"Elbe sweeps freely through this Country, for ages and aeons past;
curling himself a little into snake-figure, and with increased
velocity, but silent mostly, and trim to the edge, a fine flint-
colored river;--though in aeons long anterior, it must have been a
very different matter for torrents and water-power. The Country is
one huge Block of Sandstone, so many square miles of that material;
ribbed, channelled, torn and quarried, in this manner, by the ever-
busy elements, for a million of Ages past! Chiefly by the Elbe
himself, since he got to be a River, and became cosmic and
personal; ceasing to be a mere watery chaos of Lakes and Deluges
hereabouts. For the Sandstone was of various degrees of hardness;
tenacious as marble some parts of it, soft almost as sand other
parts. And the primordial diluviums and world-old torrents, great
and small, rushing down from the Bohemian Highlands, from the Saxon
Metal Mountains, with such storming, gurgling and swashing, have
swept away the soft parts, and left the hard standing in this
chaotic manner, and bequeathed it all to the Elbe, and the common
frosts and rains of these human ages.

"Elbe has now a trim course; but Elbe too is busy quarrying and
mining, where not artificially held in;--and you notice at every
outlet of a Brook from the interior, north side and south side, how
busy the Brook has been. Boring, grinding, undermining; much helped
by the frosts, by the rains. AEons ago, the Brook was a lake, in
the interior; but was every moment laboring to get out; till it has
cut for itself that mountain gullet, or sheer-down chasm, and
brought out with it an Alluvium or Delta,--on which, since Adam's
time, human creatures have built a Hamlet. That is the origin, or
unwritten history, of most hamlets and cultivated spots you fall in
with here: they are the waste shavings of the Brook, working
millions of years, for its own object of getting into the Elbe in
level circumstances. Ploughed fields, not without fertility, are in
the interior, if you ascend that Brook; the Hamlet, at the delta or
mouth of it, is as if built upon its TONGUE and into its GULLET:
think how picturesque, in the November rains, for example!

"The road" one road, "from Dresden to Aussig, to Lobositz, Budin,
Prag, runs up the river-brink (south brink); or, in our day, as
Prag-Dresden Railway, thunders through those solitudes; strangely
awakening their echoes; and inviting even the bewildered Tourist to
reflect, if he could. The bewildered Tourist sees rock-walls
heaven-high on both hands of him; River and he rushing on between,
by law of gravitation, law of ennui (which are laws of Nature
both), with a narrow strip of sky in full gallop overhead; and has
little encouragement to reflect, except upon his own sorrows, and
delirious circumstances, physical and moral. 'How much happier,
were I lying in my bed!' thinks the bewildered Tourist;--does
strive withal to admire the Picturesque, but with little success;
notices the 'BASTEI (Bastion),' and other rigorously prescribed
points of the Sublime and Beautiful, which are to be 'done.'
That you will have to DO, my friend: step out, you will have to go
on that Pinnacle, with indifferent Hotel attached; on that iron
balcony, aloft among the clouds yonder; and shudder to project over
Elbe-flood from such altitudes, admiring the Picturesque in
prescribed manner.

"This Country has for its permanent uses, timber, free-stone,
modicum of milk and haver, serviceable to the generality;--and to
his Polish Majesty, at present, it is as the very Ark of Noah:
priceless at this juncture; being the strongest military country in
the world. Excellent strength in it; express Fortresses; especially
one Fortress called the Konigstein, not far from Schandau, of a
towering precipitous nature, with 'a well 900 feet deep' in it, and
pleasant Village outside at the base;--Fortress which is still, in
our day, reckoned a safe place for the Saxon Archives and
preciosities. Impregnable to gunpowder artillery; not to be had
except by hunger. And then, farther down the River, close by Pirna,
presiding over Pirna, as that Konigstein in some sort does over
Schandau, is the Sonnenstein: Sonnenstein too was a Fortress in
those days of Friedrich, but not impregnable, if judged worth
taking. The Austrians took it, a year or two hence; Friedrich
retook it, dismantled it: 'the Sonnenstein is now a Madhouse,' say
the Guide-books.

"Sonnenstein stands close east or up-stream of Pirna, which is a
town of 5,000 souls, by much the largest in those parts;
Konigstein a little down-stream of Schandau, which latter is on the
opposite or north side of the River. These are the two chief Towns,
which do all the trade of this region; picturesque places both:--
the Tourist remembers Pirna? Standing on its sleek table or stair-
step, by the River's edge; well above floodmark; green, shaggy or
fringy mountains looking down on it to rearward; in front, beyond
the River, nothing visible but mile-long cream-colored rock-wall,
with bushes at bottom and top, wall quarried by Elbe, as you can
see. Pirna is near the beginning [properly END, but we start from
Dresden] or western extremity of Saxon Schweitz. Schandau, almost
at the opposite or eastern extremity, is still more picturesque;
standing on the delta of a little Brook, with high rock-cliffs,
with garden-shrubberies, sanded walks, tufts of forest-umbrage;
a bright-painted, almost OPERATIC-looking place,--with spa-waters,
if I recollect: "yes truly, and the "Bath Season" making its
packages in great haste, breaking up prematurely, this
Year (1756)!--

Directly on arriving at Gross-Sedlitz, Friedrich takes ocular
survey of this Country, which is already not unknown to him.
He finds that the Saxons have secured themselves within the
Mountains; a rocky streamlet, Brook of Gottleube, which issues into
Elbe just between Gross-Sedlitz and them, "through a dell of eighty
or a hundred feet deep," serving as their first defence; well in
front of the mere rocky Heights and precipices behind it, which
stretch continuously along to southward, six miles or more, from
Pirna and the south brink of Elbe. At Langen-Hennersdorf, which is
the southernmost part, these Heights make an elbow inwards, by
Leopoldshayn, towards the Konigstein, which is but four miles off;
here too the Saxons are defended by a Brook (running straight
towards Konigstein, this one) in front of their Heights; and stand
defensive, in this way, along a rock-bulwark of ten miles long:
the passes all secured by batteries, by abatis, palisades, mile
after mile, as Friedrich rides observant leftward: behind them,
Elbe rushing swifter through his rock-walls yonder, with chasms and
intricate gorges; defending them inexpugnably to rear. Six miles
long of natural bulwark (six to Hennersdorf), where the gross of
the Saxons lie; then to Konigstein four other miles, sufficiently,
if more sparsely, beset by them. "No stronger position in the
world," Friedrich thinks; [ OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 83, 84 (not a very distinct Account; and far from
accurate in the details,--which are left without effectual
correction even in the best Editions).]--and that it is impossible
to force this place, without a loss of life disproportionate even
to its importance at present. Not to say that the Saxons will make
terms all the easier, BEFORE bloodshed rise between us;--and
furthermore that Hunger (for we hear they have provision only for
two weeks) may itself soon do it. "Wedge them in, therefore; block
every outgate, every entrance; nothing to get in, except gradually
Hunger. Hunger, and on our part rational Offers, will suffice."
That is Friedrich's plan; good in itself,--though the ovine
obstinacy, and other circumstances, retarded the execution of it to
an unexpected extent, lamentable to Friedrich and to some others.

The Prussian-Saxon military operations for the next five weeks need
not detain us. Their respective positions on the Heights behind
that Brook Gottleube, and on the plainer Country in front of it,--
How the Prussians lie, first Division of them, from Gross-Sedlitz
to Zehist, under the King; then second Division from Zehist to
Cotta, and onward by "the Rothschenke" (RED-HOUSE Tavern), by
Markersbach, and sparsely as far as Hellendorf on the Prag Highway;
in brief, where all the Divisions of them lie, and under whom;
and where the Prussians, watching Elbe itself, have Batteries and
Posts on the north side of it: all this is marked on the Map;
--to satisfy ingenuous curiosity, should it make tour in those
parts. To which add only these straggles of Note, as farther
elucidative:--

"The Saxons, between Elbe and their Lines, possess about thirty
square miles of country. From Pirna or Sonnenstein to Konigstein,
as the crow flies, may be five miles east to west; but by Langen-
Hennersdorf, and the elbow there, it will be ten: at Konigstein,
moreover, Elbe makes an abrupt turn northward for a couple of
miles, instead of westward as heretofore, turning abruptly westward
again after that: so that the Saxon 'Camp' or Occupancy here, is an
irregular Trapezium, with Pirna and Konigstein for vertices, and
with area estimable as above,--ploughable, a fair portion of it,
and not without corn of its own. So that the 'two weeks' provision'
spun themselves out (short allowance aiding) to two months, before
actual famine came.

... "The High-road from the Lausitz parts crosses Elbe at Pirna;
falls into the Dresden-Prag High-road there; and from Pirna towards
Toplitz, for the first few miles, this latter runs through the
Prussian Posts; but we may guess it is not much travelled at
present. North of Elbe, too, the Prussians have batteries on the
fit points; detachments of due force, from Gross-Sedlitz Bridge-of-
Pontoons all round to Schandau, or beyond; could fire upon the
Konigstein, across the River: they have plugged up the Saxon
position everywhere. They have a Battery especially, and strong
post, to cannonade the Bridge at Pirna, should the Saxons think of
trying there. It is now the one Saxon or even Half-Saxon Bridge;
Sonnenstein and Pirna command the Saxon end of it, a strong battery
the Prussian end: a Bridge lying mainly idle, like the general
Highway to Toplitz at this time. Beyond the Konigstein, again, at a
place called Wendisch-Fahre (WENDS'-FERRY), the Prussians have, by
means of boats swinging wide at anchor on the swift current, what
is called a Flying-bridge, with which the north side can
communicate with the south. They have a post at Nieder-Raden (OBER
Raden, railway station in our time, is on the south side):
Nether Raden is an interesting little Hamlet, mostly invisible to
mankind (built in the THROAT of the stone chasms there), from which
you begin mounting to the BASTEI far aloft. A Raden to be noted, by
the Tourist and us."

Little, or even nothing, of fighting there is: why should there be?
The military operations are a dead-lock, and require no word.
Thirty thousand, half of the Prussian Force, lie, vigilant as
lynxes, blockading here; other half, 32,000, under Marshal Keith,
have marched forward to Aussig, to Nollendorf on the Bohemian
frontier, to clear the ways, and look into any Austrian motion
thereabouts,--with whom, with some Pandour detachment of whom, Duke
Ferdinand, leading the vanguard, has had a little brush among the
Hills; smiting them home again, in his usual creditable way
(September 13th); and taking Camp at Peterswalde, he and others of
the Force, that night. [ OEuvres de Frederic, 
iv. 85; ANONYMOUS OF HAMBURG, i. 19.] It is with this Keith Army,
with this if with any, that adventures are to be looked for at
present.

Polish Majesty's Head-quarters are at Struppen, well in the centre
of the Saxon lines; "goes always to the Konigstein to sleep."
Polish Majesty's own table is, by Friedrich's permission for that
special object, supplied AD LIBITUM: but the common men were at
once put on short allowance, which grows always the shorter.
Polish Majesty corresponds with Friedrich, as we saw; and above
all, sends burning Messages to Austria, to France, to every
European Court, charged with mere shrieks: "Help me; a robber has
me!" In which sense, Excellencies of all kinds, especially one Lord
Stormont, the English Excellency, daily running out from Dresden to
Gross-Sedlitz, are passionately industrious with Friedrich; who is
eager enough to comply, were there any safe means possible.
But there are none. Unfortunately, too, it appears the Austrians
are astir; Feldmarschall Browne actually furbishing himself at Prag
yonder with an eye hitherward, and extraordinary haste and spirit
shown: which obliges Friedrich to rise in his demands;
ovine obstinacy, on the other side, naturally increasing from the
same cause.

"Polish Majesty, we say, has liberty to bring in proviant for self
and suite, rigorously for no mortal more; and he lives well, in the
culinary sense,--surely for most part 'in his dressing-gown,' too,
poor loose collapsed soul! Bruhl and he have plenty of formal
business: but their one real business is that of crying, by
estafettes and every conceivable method, to Austria, 'Get us out of
this!' To which Austria has answered, 'Yes; only patience, and be
steady!'--Friedrich's head-quarters are at Sedlitz; and the
negotiating and responding which he has, transcends imagination.
His first hope was, Polish Majesty might be persuaded to join with
him;--on the back of that, certainty, gradually coming, that Polish
Majesty never would; and that the Austrians would endeavor a
rescue, were they once ready. Starvation, or the Austrians, which
will be first here? is the question; and Friedrich studies to think
it will be the former. At all events, having settled on the
starvation method, and seen that all his posts are right, we
perceive he does not stick close by Sedlitz; but runs now hither
now thither; is at Torgau, where an important establishment, kind
of New Government for Saxony, on the Finance side, is organizing
itself. What his work with Ambassadors was, and how delicate the
handling needed, think!"--Here is another Clipping:--

... "Polish Majesty passes the day at Struppen, amid many vain
noises of Soldiering, of Diplomatizing; the night always at
Konigstein, and finally both day and night,--quite luxuriously
accommodated, Bruhl and he, to the very end of this Affair.
Towards Struppen [this is weeks farther on, but we give it here],--
Comte de Broglio [Old Broglio's elder Son, younger is in the
Military line], who is Ambassador to his Saxon-Polish Majesty, sets
out from Dresden for an interview with said Majesty. At the
Prussian lines, he is informed, 'Yes, you can go; but, without our
King's Order, you cannot return.' 'What? The Most Christian
Majesty's Ambassador, and treated in this way? I will go to where
the Polish King is, and I will return to my own King, so often as I
find business: stop me at your peril!' and threatened and argued,
and made a deal of blusterous noise;--far too much, thinks Valori;
think the Prussian Officers, who are sorry, but inflexible.
Margraf Karl, Commandant of the place, in absence of King Friedrich
(who is gone lately, on a Business we shall hear of), earnestly
dissuaded Excellency Broglio; but it was to no purpose. Next day
Broglio appeared in his state-carriage, formally demanding
entrance, free thoroughfare: 'Do you dare refuse me?' 'Yes,'
answered Margraf Karl; 'we do and must.' Indignant Broglio
reappeared, next day, on foot; Lieutenant-General Prince Friedrich
Eugen of Wurtemberg the chief man in charge: 'Do you dare?'
'Indubitably, Yes;'--and Broglio still pushing on incredulous,
Eugen actually raised his arm,--elbow and fore-arm across the
breast of Most Christian Majesty's Ambassador,--who recoiled, to
Dresden, in mere whirlwinds of fire; and made the most of it
[unwisely, thinks Valori] in writing to Court. [Valori, ii. 349,
209, 353 ("Wednesday, 6th October," the day of it, seemingly);
ib. i. 312, &c.] Court, in high dudgeon, commanded Valori to quit
Berlin without taking leave. Valori, in his private capacity, wrote
an Adieu; [Friedrich's kind Letter in answer to it, "2d November,
1756," in Valori, i. 313.] and in his public, as the fact stood,
That he was gone without Adieu."

And the Dauphiness, daughter of those injured Polish Majesties,
fell on her knees (Pompadour permitting and encouraging) at the
feet of Most Christian Majesty; on her knees, all in passion of
tears; craved help and protection to her loved old Mother, in the
name of Nature and of all Kings: could any King resist? And his
Pompadour was busy: "Think of that noble Empress, who calls me
COUSIN AND DEAR PRINCESS; think of that insolent Prussian Robber:
Ah, your Majesty:" -and King Louis, though not a hating man, did
privately dislike Friedrich; and evil speeches of Friedrich's had
been reported to him. And, in short, the upshot was: King Louis,
bound only to 24,000 for help of Austria, determined to send, and
did send, above 100,000 across the Rhine, next Year, for that
object; as will be seen. And all Frenchmen--all except Belleisle,
who is old--are charmed with these new energetic measures, and
beautiful new Austrian connections.

Certain it is, the Austrians are coming, her Imperial Majesty bent
with all her might on relief of those Saxon martyrs; which indeed
is relief of herself, as she well perceives: "Courage, my friends;
endure yet a little!" Messengers smuggle themselves through the
Mountain paths, and go and return, though with difficulty.

Since September 19th, the Correspondence with Polish Majesty has
ceased: no persuading of the Polish Majesty. Winterfeld went twice
to him; conferred at large, Bruhl forbidden to be there, on the
actual stringencies and urgencies of Fact between the Two
Countries; but it was with no result at all. Polish Majesty has not
the least intention that Saxony shall be even a Highway for
Friedrich, if at any time Polish Majesty can hinder it:
"Neutrality," therefore, will not do for Friedrich; he demands
Alliance, practical Partnership; and to that his Polish Majesty is
completely abhorrent. Diplomatizing may cease; nothing but wrestle
of fight will settle this matter.

Friedrich, able to get nothing from the Sovereign of Saxony, is
reduced to grasp Saxony itself: and we can observe him doing it;
always the closer, always the more carefully, as the complicacy
deepens, and the obstinacy becomes more dangerous and provoking.
What alternative is there? On first entering Saxony, Friedrich had
made no secret that he was not a mere bird of passage there.
At Torgau, there was at once a "Field-Commissariat" established,
with Prussian Officials of eminence to administer, the Military
Chest to be deposited there, and Torgau to be put in a state of
defence. Torgau, our Saxon Metropolis of War-Finance, is becoming
more and more the Metropolis of Saxon Finance in general.
Saxon Officials were liable, from the first, to be suspended, on
Friedrich's order. Saxon Finance-Officials, of all kinds, were from
the first instructed, that till farther notice there must be no
disbursements without King Friedrich's sanction. And, in fact, King
Friedrich fully intends that Saxony is to help him all it can;
and that it either will or else shall, in this dire pressure of
perplexity, which is due in such a degree to the conduct of the
Saxon Government for twelve years past. Would Saxony go with him in
any form of consent, how much more convenient to Friedrich!
But Saxony will not; Polish Majesty, not himself suffering hunger,
is obstinate as the decrees of Fate (or as sheep, when too much put
upon), regardless of considerations;--and, in fine, here is Browne
actually afoot; coming to relieve Polish Majesty!--The Austrians
had uncommonly bestirred themselves:--

The activity, the zeal of all ranks, ever since this expedition
into Saxony, and clutching of Saxony by the throat, contemporary
witnesses declare to have been extraordinary. "Horses for
Piccolomini's Cavalry,--they had scarcely got their horses, not to
speak of training them, not to speak of cannon and the heavier
requisites, when Schwerin began marching out of Glatz on
Piccolomini. As to the cannon for Browne and him, draught-cattle
seem absolutely unprocurable. Whereupon Maria Theresa flings open
her own Imperial Studs: 'There, yoke these to our cannon; let them
go their swiftest;'--which awoke such an enthusiasm, that noblemen
and peasants crowded forward with their coach-horses and their
cart-horses, to relay Browne, all through Bohemia, at different
stages; and the cannon and equipments move to their places at the
gallop, in a manner," [Archenholtz, i. 24.]--and even Browne, at
the base of the Metal Mountains, has got most of his equipments.
And is astir towards Pirna (Army of 60,000, rumor says), for relief
of the Saxon martyrs. Friedrich's complexities are getting day by
day more stringent.

From the middle of September, Marshal Keith, as was observed, with
Half of the Prussians, Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick under him, has
been on the Bohemian slope of the Metal Mountains; securing the
roads, towns and passes thereabouts, and looking out for the
advance of Marshal Browne from the interior parts. Town of Aussig,
and the River-road (castle of Tetschen, on its high rock known to
Tourists, which always needs to be taken on such occasions), these
Keith has secured. Lies encamped from Peterswalde to Aussig, the
middle or main strength of him being in the Hamlet of Johnsdorf
(discoverable, if readers like): there lies Keith, fifteen miles in
length; like a strap, or bar, thrown across the back of that Metal-
Mountain Range,--or part of its back; for the range is very broad,
and there is much inequality, and many troughs, big and little,
partial and general, in the crossing of it. A tract which my
readers and I have crossed before now, by the "Pascopol" or Post-
road and otherwise; and shall often have to cross!

Browne, vigorously astir in the interior (cannon and equipments
coming by relays at such a pace), is daily advancing, with his best
speed: in the last days of September, Browne is encamped at Budin;
may cross the Eger River any day, and will then be within two
marches of Keith. His intentions towards Pirna Country are fixed
and sure; but the plan or route he will take is unknown to
everybody, and indeed to Browne himself, till he see near at hand
and consider. Browne's problem, he himself knows, is abundantly
abstruse,--bordering on the impossible; but he will try his best.
To get within reach of the Saxons is almost impossible to Browne,
even were there no Keith there. As good as impossible altogether,
by any line of march, while Keith is afoot in those parts.
By Aussig, down the River, straight for the interior of their Camp,
it is flatly impossible: by the south or southeast corner of their
Camp (Gottleube way), or by the northeast (by Schandau way, right
bank of Elbe), it is virtually so,--at least without beating Keith.
Could one beat Keith indeed;--but that will not be easy! And that,
unluckily, is the preliminary to everything.

"By the Hellendorf-Hennersdorf side, in the wastes where Gottleube
Brook gathers itself, Browne might have a chance. There, on that
southeast corner of their Camp, were he once there to attack the
Prussians from without, while the Saxons burst up from within,--
there," thinks a good judge, "is much the favorablest place.
But unless Browne's Army had wings, how is it ever to get there?
Across those Metal-Mountain ranges, barred by Keith:--by Aussig,
with the rocks overhanging Elbe River and him, he cannot go in auy
case. Were there no Keith, indeed (but there always is, standing
ready on the spring), one might hold to leftward, and by stolen
marches, swift, far round about--!

"By Schandau region, north side of the Elbe, is Browne's easiest,
and indeed one feasible, point of approach,--no Prussians at
present between him and that; the road open, though a far circuit
northward for Browne,--were he to cross the Elbe in Leitmeritz
circle, and march with velocity? That too will be difficult,--
nearly impossible in sight of Keith. And were that even done, the
egress for the Saxons, by Schandau side, is through strait mountain
gorges, intricate steep passes, crossings of the Elbe: what force
of Saxons or of Austrians will drive the Prussians from their
redoubts and batteries there?" [ OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 86, 93, 96.]

Browne's problem is none of the feasiblest: but his orders are
strict, "Relieve the Saxons, at all risks." And Browne, one of the
ablest soldiers liviug ("Your Imperial Majesty's best general,"
said the dying Khevenhuller long since), will do his utmost upon
it. Friedrich does not think the enterprise very dangerous,--
beating of Keith the indispensable preliminary to it; but will
naturally himself go and look into it.

Tuesday, September 28th, Friedrich quits Pirna Country by the Prag
Highway; making due inspection of his Posts as he goes along;
and, the outmost of these once past, drives rapidly up the
Mountains; gets, with small escort, through Peterswalde on to
Johnsdorf that night. Does not think this Keith position good;
breaks up this "Camp of Johnsdorf" bodily next morning; and marches
down the Mountains, direct towards Browne; who, we hear, is about
crossing the Eger (his Pontoons now come at last), and will himself
be on the advance. From Turmitz, a poor mountain hamlet in the
hollow of the Hills, which is head-quarters that night, the march
proceeds again; Friedrich with the vanguard; Army, I think, on
various country-roads, on both hands; till all get upon the Great
Road again,--Prag-Toplitz-Dresden Post-road; which is called,
specially in this part of it, and loosely in whole, "The Pascopol,"
and leads down direct to Budin and Browne.

"A 'Pascopol' famed in military annals," says our Tourist. "It is a
road with many windings, many precipitous sweeps of up and down;
road precipitous in structure;--offers views to the lover of wild
Nature: huge lonesome Hills scattered in the distance;
waste expanses nearer hand, and futile attempts at moorish
agriculture; but little else that is comfortable. In times of
Peace, you will meet, at long intervals, some post-vehicle
struggling forward under melancholy circumstances; some cart, or
dilapidated mongrel between cart and basket, with a lean ox
harnessed to it, and scarecrow driver, laden with pit-coal,--which
you wish safe home, and that the scarecrow were getting warmed by
it. But in War-time the steep road is livelier; the common Invasion
road between Saxony and Bohemia; whole Armies sweeping over it, and
their thousand-fold wagons and noises making clangor enough.
... One of those Hollows, on the Pascopol, is Joachimsthal, with
its old Silver Mines; yielding coins which were in request with
traders, the silver being fine. 'Let my ducat be a Joachimsthal
one, then!' the old trader would say: 'a JOACHIMSTHAL-ER;' or, for
brevity, a 'THAL-ER;' whence THALER, and at last DOLLAR (almighty
and otherwise),--now going round the world! [Busching, 
Erdbeschreibung,  v. 178.] Pascopol finishes in Welmina
Township. From the last hamlet in Welmina, at the neck of the last
Hill, step downward one mile, holding rather to the left, you will
come on the innocent Village of Lobositz, its poor corn-mills and
huckster-shops all peaceably unknown as yet, which is soon to
become very famous."

The Country-roads where Friedrich's Army is on march, I should
think, are mostly on the mounting hand. For here, from Turmitz, is
a trough again; though the last considerable one; and on the crest
of that, we shall look down upon the Bohemian Plains and the grand
Basin of the Elbe,--through various scrubby villages which are not
nameworthy; through one called Kletschen, which for a certain
reason is. Crossing the shoulder of Kletschenberg (HILL of this
Kletschen), which abuts upon the Pascopol,--yonder in bright
sunshine is your beautiful expansive Basin of the Elbe, and the
green Bohemian Plains, revealed for a moment. Friedrich snatches
his glass, not with picturesque object: "See, yonder is
Feldmarschall Browne, then! In camp yonder, down by Lobositz, not
ten miles from us,--[it is most true; Browne marched this morning,
long before the Sun; crossed Eger, and pitched camp at noon]--
Good!" thinks Friedrich. And pushes down into the Pascopol,
into the hollows and minor troughs, which hide Browne henceforth,
till we are quite near.

Quite near, through Welmina and a certain final gap of the Hills,
Friedrich with the vanguard does emerge, "an hour before sunset;"
overhanging Browne; not above a mile from the Camp of Browne.
A very large Camp, that of Browne's, flanked to right by the Elbe;
goes from Sulowitz, through Lobositz, to Welhoten close on Elbe;--
and has properties extremely well worth studying just now!
"Friedrich" the Books say, "bivouacs by a fire of sticks," short
way down on the southern slope of the Hill; and till sunset and
after, has eye-glass, brain, and faculties and activities
sufficiently occupied for the rest of the night;--his Divisions
gradually taking post behind him, under arms; "not till midnight,
the very rearmost of them." ["Tuesday, 28th September, left the
Camp at Sedlitz, with 8 battalions 20 squadrons, to Johnsdorf:
29th, to Turmitz,--Browne is to pass the Eger tomorrow. From the
tops of the Pascopol (30th), SEE an Austrian Camp in the Plain of
Lobositz. Vanguard bivouacs in the 'neck' of the two Hills or a
little beyond." PRUSSIAN ACCOUNT OF CAMPAIGN 1756 (in 
Gesammelte Nachrichten, i. 844-845, 840-858); Anonymous of Hamburg;
&c. &c.]



Chapter VI.

BATTLE OF LOBOSITZ.

Welmina,--or Reschni-Aujest, last pertinent of Welmina (but we will
take Friedrich's name for it), offers to the scrutinizing eye
nothing, in our day, but some bewildered memory of "Alte Fritz"
clinging obstinately even to the Peasant mind thereabouts. A sleepy
littery place; some biggish haggard untrimmed trees, some broken-
backed sleepy-looking thatched houses, not in contact, and each as
far as might be with its back turned on the other, and cloaked in
its own litter and privacy. Probably no human creature will be
visible, as you pass through. Much straw lying about, chiefly where
the few gaunt trees look down on it (cattle glad of any shelter):
in fact, it is mainly an extinct tumult of straw; nothing alive, as
you pass, but a few poor oxen languidly sauntering up and down,
finding much to trample, little to eat. The Czech Populations
(were it not for that "Question of the Nationalities") are not
very beautiful!

Close south of this poor Hamlet is a big Hill, conspicuous with
three peaks; quite at the other base of which, a good way down,
lies Lobositz, the main Village in those parts; a place now of
assiduous corn-mill and fruit trade; and one of the stations on the
Dresden-Prag Railway. This Hill is what Lloyd calls the Lobosch;
[Major-General Lloyd,  History of the late War in Germany,
 1756-1759 (3 vols. 4to, London, 1781), i. 2-11.] twin
to which, only flatter, is Lloyd's "Homolka Hill" (Hill of
RADOSTITZ in more modern Plans and Books). Conspicuous Heights, and
important to us here,--though I did not find the Peasants much know
them under those names. By the southern shoulder of this Lobosch
Hill runs the road from Welmina to Lobositz, with branches towards
many other villages. To your right or southern hand, short way
southward, rises the other Hill, which Lloyd calls Homolka Hill;
the gap or interval between Homolka and Lobosch, perhaps a furlong
in extent, is essentially the PASS through those uplands.
This pass, Friedrich, at the first moment, made sure of;
filling the same with battalions, there to bivouac. He likewise
promptly laid hold of the two Hills, high Lobosch to his left, and
lower Homolka to right; which precautionary measure it is reckoned
a fault in Browne to have neglected, that night; fault for which he
smarted on the morrow.

From this upland pass, or neck between the two Mountains,
Friedrich's battalions would have had a fine view, had the morning
shone for them: Lobositz, Leitmeritz, Melnick; a great fertile
Valley, or expanse of fruitful country, many miles in breadth and
length; Elbe, like a silver stripe, winding grandly through the
finest of all his countries, before ducking himself into the rock-
tumults of that Pirna district. The mountain gorges of Prag and
Moldau River, south of Melnick, lie hidden under the horizon, or
visible only as peaks, thirty miles and more to southeastward;
a bright country intervening, sprinkled with steepled towns.
To northwestward, far away, are the Lausitz Mountains, ranked in
loose order, but massive, making a kind of range: and as outposts
to them in their scattered state, Hills of good height and aspect
are scattered all about, and break the uniformity of the Plain.
Nowhere in North Germany could the Prussian battalions have a finer
view,--if the morning were fine, and if views were their object.

The morning, first in October, was not fine; and it was far other
than scenery that the Prussian battalions had in hand!--Friday, 1st
October, 1756, Day should have broken: but where is day? At seven
in the morning (and on till eleven), thick mist lay over the plain;
thin fog to the very hill-tops; so that you cannot see a hundred
yards ahead. Lobositz is visible only as through a crape;
farther on, nothing but gray sea; under which, what the Austrians
are doing, or whether there are any Austrians, who can say?
Leftward on the Lobosch-Hill side, as we reconnoitre, some Pandours
are noticeable, nestled in the vineyards there:--that sunward side
of the Lobosch is all vineyards, belonging to the different
Lobositzers: scrubby vineyards, all in a brown plucked state at
this season. Vineyards parted by low stone walls, say three or four
feet high (parted by hurdles, or by tiny trenches, in our day, and
the stone walls mere stone facings): there are the Pandours
crouched, and give fire in a kneeling posture when you approach.
Lower down, near Lobositz itself, flickerings as of Horse
squadrons, probably Hussar parties, twinkle dubious in the wavering
mist. Problem wrapt in mist; nothing to be seen; and all depends on
judging it with accuracy! Seven by the clock: Deploy, at any rate;
let us cover our post; and be in readiness for events.

Friedrich's vanguard of itself nearly fills that neck, or space
between the Lobosch and Homolka Hills. He spreads his Infantry and
"hundred field-pieces," in part, rightwards along the Homolka Hill;
but chiefly leftwards along the Lobosch, where their nearest duty
is to drive off those Pandours. Always as a new battalion, pushing
farther leftward, comes upon its ground, the Pandours give fire on
it;--and it on the Pandours; till the Left Wing is complete, and
all the Lobosch is, in this manner, a crackling of Pandour
musketry. and anti-musketry. Right Wing, steady to its guns on the
Homolka, has as yet nothing to do. Those wings of Infantry are two
lines deep; the Cavalry, in three lines, is between them in the
centre; no room for Cavalry elsewhere, except on the outskirts some
fringing of light horse, to be ready for emergencies.

The Pandour firing, except for the noise of it, does not amount to
much; they can take no aim, says Lloyd, crouching behind their
stone fences; and the Prussian Battalions, steadily pushing
downwards, trample out their sputtering, and clear the Lobosch of
them to a safe distance. But the ground is intricate, so wrapt in
mist for the present. That crackling lasts for hours; decisive of
nothing; and the mist also, and one's anxious guessings and
scrutinizings, lasts in a wavering fitful manner.

Once, for some time, in the wavering of the mist, there was seen,
down in the plain opposite our centre, a body of Cavalry. Horse for
certain: say ten squadrons of them, or 1,500 Horse; continually
manoeuvring, changing shape; now in more ranks, now in fewer;
sometimes "checkerwise," formed like a draught-board; shooting out
wings: they career about, one sees not whither, or vanish again
into the mist behind. "Browne's rear-guard this, that we are come
upon," thinks Friedrich; "these squatted Pandours, backed by Horse,
must be his rear-guard, that are amusing us: Browne and the Army
are off; crossing the Elbe, hastening towards the Schandau, the
Pirna quarter, while we stand bickering and idly sputtering here!"
--Weary of such idle business, Friedrich orders forward Twenty of
his Squadrons from the centre station: "Charge me those Austrian
Horse, and let us finish this." The Twenty Squadrons, preceded by a
pair of field-pieces, move down hill; storm in upon the Austrian
party, storm it furiously into the mist; are furiously chasing it, 
--when unexpected cannon-batteries, destructive case-shot, awaken
on their left flank (batteries from Lobositz, one may guess);
and force them to draw back. To draw back, with some loss; and rank
again, in an indignantly blown condition, at the foot of their
Hill. Indignant; after brief breathing, they try it once more.

"Don't try it!" Friedrich had sent out to tell them: for the mist
was clearing; and Friedrich, on the higher ground, saw new
important phenomena: but it was too late. For the Twenty Squadrons
are again dashing forward; sweeping down whatever is before them:
in spite of cannon-volleys, they plunge deeper and deeper into the
mist; come upon "a ditch twelve feet broad" (big swampy drain, such
as are still found there, grass-green in summer-time); clear said
ditch; forward still deeper into the mist: and after three hundred
yards, come upon a second far worse "ditch;" plainly impassable
this one,--"ditch" they call it, though it is in fact a vile sedgy
Brook, oozing along there (the MORELL BACH, considerable Brook,
lazily wandering towards Lobositz, where it disembogues in rather
swifter fashion);--and are saluted with cannon, from the farther
side; and see serried ranks under the gauze of mist: Browne's Army,
in fact! The Twenty Squadrons have to recoil out of shot-range, the
faster, the better; with a loss of a good many men, in those two
charges. Friedrich orders them up Hill again; much regretful of
this second charge, which he wished to hinder; and posts them to
rearward,--where they stand silent, the unconscious stoic-
philosophers in buff, and have little farther service through the
rest of the day.

It is now 11 o'clock; the mist all clearing off; and Friedrich,
before that second charge, had a growing view of the Plain and its
condition. Beyond question, there is Browne; not in retreat, by any
means; but in full array; numerous, and his position very strong.
Ranked, unattackable mostly, behind that oozy Brook, or BACH of
Morell; which has only two narrow Bridges, cannon plenty on both:
one Bridge from the south parts to Sulowitz (OUR road to Sulowitz
and it would be by Radostitz and the Homolka); and then one other
Bridge, connecting Sulowitz with Lobositz,--which latter is
Browne's own Bridge, uniting right wing and left of Browne, so to
speak; and is still more unattackable, in the circumstances.
What will Friedrich decide on attempting?

That oozy Morell Brook issues on Browne's side of Lobositz, cutting
Browne in two; but is otherwise all in Browne's favor.
Browne extends through Lobositz; and beyond it, curves up to
Welhoten on the River-brink; at Lobositz are visible considerable
redoubts, cannon-batteries and much regular infantry. Browne will
be difficult to force yonder, in the Lobositz part; but yonder
alone can he be tried. He is pushing up more Infantry that way;
conscious probably of that fact,--and that the Lobosch Hill is not
his, but another's. What would not Browne now give for the Lobosch
Hill! Yesternight he might have had it gratis, in a manner;
and indeed did try slightly, with his Pandour people (durst not at
greater expense),--who have now ceased sputtering, and cower
extinct in the lower vineyards there. Browne, at any rate, is
rapidly strengthening his right wing, which has hold of Lobositz;
pushing forward in that quarter,--where the Brook withal is of
firmer bottom and more wadable. Thither too is Friedrich bent.
So that Lobositz is now the key of the Battle; there will the tug
of war now be.

Friedrich's cavalry is gone all to rearward. His right wing holds
the Homolka Hill,--that too would now be valuable to Browne;
and cannot be had gratis, as yesternight! Friedrich's left wing is
on the Lobosch; Pandours pretty well extinct before it, but now
from Welhoten quarter new Regulars coming on thither,--as if Browne
would still take the Lobosch? Which would be victory to him; but is
not now possible to Browne. Nor will long seem so;--Friedrich
having other work in view for him;--meaning now to take Lobositz,
instead of losing the Lobosch to him! Friedrich pushes out his Left
Wing still farther leftward, leftward and downward withal, to clear
those vineyard-fences completely of their occupants, Pandour or
Regular, old or new. This is done; the vineyard-fences swept;--and
the sweepings driven, in a more and more stormy fashion, towards
Welhoten and Lobositz; the Lobosch falling quite desperate
for Browne.

Henceforth Friedrich directs all his industry to taking Lobositz;
Browne, to the defending of it, which he does with great vigor and
fire; his batteries, redoubts, doing their uttermost, and his
battalions rushing on, mass of them after mass, at quick march,
obstinate, fierce to a degree, in the height of temper; and showing
such fight as we never had of them before. Friedrich's Left Wing
and Browne's Right now have it to decide between them;--any attempt
Browne makes with his Left through Sulowitz (as he once did, and
once only) is instantly repressed by cannon from the Homolka Hill.
And the rest of the Battle, or rather the Battle itself,--for all
hitherto has been pickeering and groping in the mist,--may be made
conceivable in few words.

Friedrich orders the second line of his Left Wing to march up and
join with the first; Right Wing, shoving ITS two lines into one, is
now to cover the Lobosch as well. Left Wing, in condensed
condition, shall fall down on Lobositz, and do its best. They are
now clear of the vineyard-works; the ground is leveller, though
still sloping,--a three furlongs from the Village, and somewhat
towards the Elbe, when Browne's battalions first came extensively
to close grips; fierce enough (as was said); the toughest wrestle
yet had with those Austrians,--coming on with steady fury, under
such force of cannon; with iron ramrods too, and improved ways,
like our own. But nothing could avail them; the counter-fury being
so great. They had to go at the Welhoten part, and even to run,--
plunging into Elbe, a good few of them, and drowning there, in the
vain hope to swim. "Never have my troops," says Friedrich, "done
such miracles of valor, cavalry as well as infantry, since I had
the honor to command them. By this dead-lift achievement (TOUR DE
FORCE) I have seen what they can do." [Letter to Schwerin,
"Lobositz, 2d August, 1756" (Retzow, i. 64); RELATION DE LA
CAMPAGNE, 1756, that is, PRUSSIAN ACCOUNT (in  Gesammelte
Nachrichten),  i. 848. Lloyd, UT SUPRA, i. 2-11 (who
has solid information at first hand, having been an actor in these
Wars. A man of great natural sagacity and insight; decidedly
luminous and original, though of somewhat crabbed temper now and
then; a man well worth hearing on this and on whatever else he
handles). Tempelhof, GESCHICHTE DES SIEBENJAHRIGEN KRIEGES (which
is at first a mere Translation of Lloyd, nothing new in it but
certain notes and criticisms on Lloyd; when Lloyd ends, Tempelhof,
Prussian Major and Professor, a learned, intelligent, but diffuse
man, of far inferior talent to Lloyd, continues and completes on
his own footing: six very thin 4tos, Berlin, 1794), i. 38 (Battle,
with FOOTNOTES), and ib. 51 (CRITICISM of Lloyd). Prussian and
Austrian Accounts in  Helden-Geschichte,  iii.
800 et seq. Many Narratives in FELDZUGE, and the BEYLAGE to
Seyfarth; &c. &c.]

In fine, after some three hours more of desperate tugging and
struggling, cannon on both sides going at a great rate, and
infinite musketry ("ninety cartridges a man on our Prussian side,
and ammunition falling done"), not without bayonet-pushings, and
smitings with the butt of your musket, the Austrians are driven
into Lobositz; are furiously pushed there, and, in spite of new
battalions coming to the rescue, are fairly pushed through.
These Village-streets are too narrow for new battalions from
Browne; "much of the Village should have been burnt beforehand,"
say cool judges. And now, sure enough, it does get burnt;
Lobositz is now all on fire, by Prussian industry. So that the
Austrians have to quit it instantly; and rush off in great
disorder; key of the Battle, or Battle itself, quite lost to them.

The Prussian infantry, led by the Duke of Brunswick-Bevern
("Governor of Stettin," one of the Duke-Ferdinand cousinry, frugal
and valiant), gave the highest satisfaction; seldom was such
firing, such furious pushing; they had spent ninety cartridges a
man; were at last quite out of cartridges; so that Bevern had to
say, "Strike in with bayonets, MEINE KINDER; butt-ends, or what we
have; HERAN!" Our Grenadiers were mainly they that burnt Lobositz.
"How salutary now would it have been," says Epimetheus Lloyd, "had
Browne had a small battery on the other side of the Elbe;"
whereby he might have taken them in flank, and shorn them into the
wind! Epimetheus marks this battery on his Plan; and is wise
behindhand, at a cheap rate.

Browne's Right Wing, and probably his Army with it, would have gone
much to perdition, now that Lobositz was become Prussian,--had not
Browne, in the nick of the moment, made a masterly movement:
pushed forward his Centre and Left Wing, numerous battalions still
fresh, to interpose between the chasing Prussians and those
fugitives. The Prussians, infantry only, cannot chase on such
terms; the Prussian cavalry, we know, is far rearward on the high
ground. Browne retires a mile or two,--southward, Budin-ward,--not
chased; and there halts, and rearranges himself; thinking what
farther he will do. His aim in fighting had only been to defend
himself; and in that humble aim he has failed. Chase of the
Prussians over that Homolka-Lobosch country, with the high grounds
rearward and the Metal Mountains in their hands, he could in no
event have attempted.

The question now is: Will he go back to Budin; or will he try
farther towards Schandau? Nature points to the former course, in
such circumstances; Friedrich, by way of assisting, does a thing
much admired by Lloyd;--detaches Bevern with a strong party
southward, out of Lobositz, which is now his, to lay hold of
Tschirskowitz, lying Budin-ward, but beyond the Budin Road.
Which feat, when Browne hears of it, means to him, "Going to cut me
off from Budin, then? From my ammunition-stores, from my very
bread-cupboard!" And he marches that same midnight, silently, in
good order, back to Budin. He is not much ruined; nay the Prussian
loss is numerically greater: "3,308 killed and wounded, on the
Prussian side; on the Austrian, 2,984, with three cannon taken and
two standards." Not ruined at all; but foiled, frustrated; and has
to devise earnestly, "What next?" Once rearranged, he may
still try.

The Battle lasted seven hours; the last four of it very hot, till
Lobositz was won and lost. It was about 5 P.M. when Browne fired
his retreat-cannon:--cannon happened to be loaded (say the
Anecdote-Books, mythically given now and then); Friedrich, wearied
enough, had flung himself into his carriage for a moment's rest, or
thankful reflection; and of all places, the ball of the retreat-
cannon lighted THERE. Between Friedrich's feet, as he lay
reclining,--say the Anecdote-Books, whom nobody is bound
to believe.

On the strength of those two Prussian charges, which had retired
from case-shot on their flank, and had not wings, for getting over
sedge and ooze, Austria pretended to claim the victory.
"Two charges repelled by our gallant horse; Lobositz, indeed, was
got on fire, and we had nothing for it but to withdraw; but we took
a new position, and only left that for want of water;"--with the
like excuses. "Essentially a clear victory," said the Austrians;
and sang TE-DEUM about it;--but profited nothing by that piece of
melody. The fact, considerable or not, was, from the first, too
undeniable: Browne beaten from the field. And beaten from his
attempt too (the Saxons not relievable by this method); and lies
quiet in Budin again,--with his water sure to him; but what other
advantages gained?

Here are two Letters, brief both, which we may as well read:--

1. FRIEDRICH TO WILHELMINA (at Baireuth).

"LOBOSITZ, 4th October, 1756.

"MY DEAR SISTER,--Your will is accomplished. Tired out by these
Saxon delays, I put myself at the head of my Army of Bohemia
[Keith's hitherto]; and marched from Aussig to--a Name which seemed
to me of good augury, being yours,--to the Village of Welmina
[Battle was called OF WELMINA, by the Prussians at first]. I found
the Austrians here, near Lobositz; and, after a Fight of seven
hours, forced them to run. Nobody of your acquaintance is killed,
except Generals Luderitz and OErzen [who are not of ours].

"I return you a thousand thanks for the tender part you take in my
lot. Would to Heaven the valor of my Army might procure us a stable
Peace! That ought to be the aim of War. Adieu, my dear Sister;
I embrace you tenderly, assuring you of the lively affection with
which I am-F." [ OEuvres,  xxvii. i. 291.]

 2. PRINCE OF PRUSSIA TO VALORI (who is still at Berlin, but
 soon going as it proves,--Broglio's explosion at the Lines of
 Gross-Sedlitz being on hand, during the King's absence, in
 these very hours ["5th-6th October" (Valori, ii. 353).]

"CAMP OF LOBOSITZ, 5th October, 1756.

"You will know the news of the day; and I am persuaded you take
part in it. All you say to me betokens the conspiracy there is for
the destruction of our Country. If that is determined in the Book
of Fate, we cannot escape it.

"Had my advice been asked, a year ago, I should have voted to
preserve the Alliance [with YOU] which we had been used to for
sixteen years [strictly for twelve, though in substance ever since
1740], and which was by nature advantageous to us. But if my advice
were asked just now, I should answer, That the said method being
now impossible, we are in the case of a ship's captain who defends
himself the best he can, and when all resources are exhausted, has,
rather than surrender on shameful conditions, to fire the powder-
magazine, and blow up his ship. You remember that of your
Francois I."--FORS L'HONNEUR; ah yes, very well!--"Perhaps it will
be my poor Children who will be the victims of these past errors,"
--for such I still think them, I for my part.

"The Gazettes enumerate the French troops that are to besiege
Wesel, Geldern [Wesel they will get gratis, poor Geldern will
almost break their heart first], and take possession of Ost-
Friesland; the Russian Declaration [Manifesto not worth reading]
tells us Russia's intentions for the next year [most truculent
intentions]: we will defend ourselves to the last drop of our
blood, and perish with honor. If you have any counsel farther, I
pray you give it me.


MAP GOES HERE-- BETWEEN P. 350 AND 351 Chap VII book 17


"Remain always my friend; and believe that in all situations I will
remain yours; and trying to do what my duty is, will not forfeit
the sentiments on your part which have been so precious to me.
Your servant,      GUILLAUME." [Valori, ii. 204-206.]

"Pity this good Prince contemplating the downfall of his House,"
suggests Valori: "He deserved a better fate! He would be in despair
to think I had sent this Letter to your Excellency; but I thought
perhaps you would show it to the King,"--and that it might do good
one day. [Valori (to the French Minister, "12th October, 1756"),
ii. 204.] The Prussians lay in their "Camp of Lobositz," posted up
and down in that neighborhood, for a couple of weeks more;
waiting whether Rrowne would attempt anything farther in the
fighting way; and, in fine, whether the solution of the crisis
would fall out hereabouts, or on the other side of the Hills.



Chapter VII.

THE SAXONS GET OUT OF PIRNA ON DISMAL TERMS.

The disaster of October 1st--for which they were trying to sing
TE-DEUMS at Vienna--fell heavier on the poor Saxons, in their cage
at Pirna: "Alas, where is our deliverance now?" Friedrich's people,
in their lines here, gave them such a "joy-firing" for Lobositz as
Retzow has seldom heard; huge volleyings, salvoings, running-fires,
starting out, artistically timed and stationed, thunderous, high;
and borne by the echoes, gloomily reverberative, into every dell
and labyrinth of the Pirna Country;--intended to strike a deeper
damp into them, thinks he. [Retzow, i. 67.] But Imperial Majesty
was mindful, too; and straightway sent Browne positive order,
"Deliver me these poor Saxons at any price!" And in the course of
not quite a week from Lobositz, there arrives a confidential
Messenger from Browne: "Courage still, ye caged Saxons; I will try
it another way! Only you must hold out till the 11th; on the 11th
stand to your tools, and it shall be done."

Browne is to take a succinct Detachment, 8,000 picked men, horse
and foot; to make a wider sweep with these, well eastward by the
foot of Lausitz Hills, and far enough from all Prussian parties and
scouts; to march, with all speed and silence, "through Bohm-Leipa,
Kamnitz, Rumburg, Schluckenau; and come in upon the Schandau
region, quite from the northeast side; say, at Lichtenhayn;
an eligible Village, which is but seven miles or so from the
Konigstein, with the chasmy country and the river intervening.
Monday, October llth, Browne will arrive at Lichtenhayn (sixty
miles of circling march from Budin); privately post himself near
Lichtenhayn; Prussian posts, of no great strength, lying ahead of
him there. You, indignant extenuated Saxons, are to get yourselves
across,--near the Konigstein it will have to be, under cover of the
Konigstein's cannon,--on the front or riverward side of those same
Prussian posts: crossing-place (Browne's Messenger settles) can be
Thurmsdorf Hamlet, opposite the Lilienstein, opposite the Hamlets
of Ebenheit and Halbstadt there. Konigstein fire will cover your
bridge and your building of it.

"Monday night next, I say, post yourselves there, with hearts
resolute, with powder dry; there, about the eastern roots of the
Lilienstein [beautiful Show Mountain, with stair-steps cut on it
for Tourist people, by August the Strong], and avoid the Prussian
battery and abatis which is on it just now! You at Ebenheit, I at
Lichtenhayn, trimmed and braced for action, through that Monday
night. Tuesday morning, the Konigstein, at your beckoning, shall
fire two cannon-shots; which shall mean, 'All ready here!'
Then forward, you, on those Prussian posts by the front; I will
attack them by the rear. With right fury, both of us! I am told,
they are but weak in those posts; surely, by double impetus, and
dead-lift effort from us both, they CAN be forced? Only force
them,--you are in the open field again; and you march away with me,
colors flying; your hunger-cage and all your tribulations left
behind you!"--

This is Browne's plan. The poor Saxons accept,--what choice have
they?--though the question of crossing and bridge-building has its
intricacies; and that inevitable item of "postponement till the
11th" is a sore clause to them; for not only are there short and
ever shorter rations, but grim famine itself is advancing with
large strides. The "daily twenty ounces of meal" has sunk to half
that quantity; the "ounce or so of butcher's-meat once a week" has
vanished, or become HORSE of extreme leanness. The cavalry horses
have not tasted oats, nothing but hay or straw (not even water
always); the artillery horses had to live by grazing, brown leaves
their main diet latterly. Not horses any longer; but walking
trestles, poor animals! And the men,--well, they are fallen pale;
but they are resolute as ever. The nine corn-mills, which they have
in this circuit of theirs, grind now night and day; and all the
cavalry are set to thresh whatever grain can be found about;
no hind or husbandman shall retain one sheaf: in this way, they
hope, utter hunger may be staved off, and the great attempt made.
[PRECIS DE LA RETRAITE DE L'ARMEE SAXONNE DE SON CAMP DE PIRNA (in
 Gesammelte Nachrichten,  i. 482-494).]

Browne skilfully and perfectly did his part of the Adventure.
Browne arrives punctually at Lichtenhayn, evening of the 11th;
bivouacs, hidden in the Woods thereabouts, in cold damp weather;
stealthily reconnoitres the Prussian Villages ahead, and trims
himself for assault, at sound of the two cannons to-morrow.
But there came no cannon-signal on the morrow; far other
signallings and messagings to-morrow, and next day, and next, from
the Konigstein and neighborhood! "Wait, Excellency Feldmarschall
[writes Bruhl to him, Note after Note, instead of signalling from
the Konigstein]: do wait a very little! You run no risk in waiting;
we, even if we MUST yield, will make that our first stipulation!"
"YOU will?" grumbles Browne; and waits, naturally, with extreme
impatience. But the truth is, the Adventure, on the Saxon side of
it, has already altogether misgone; and becomes, from this point
onwards, a mere series of failures, futilities and disastrous
miseries, tragical to think of. Worth some record here, since there
are Documents abundant;--especially as Feldmarschall Rutowski (who
is General-in-Chief, an old, not esteemed, friend of ours) has
produced, or caused to be produced, a Narrative, which illuminates
the Business from within as well. [PRECIS, &c. (just cited);
compare TAGEBUCH DER EINSCHLIESSUNG DES SACHSISCHEN LAGERS BEY
PIRNA ("Diary," &c., which is the Prussian Account: in Seyfarth,
BEYLAGEN), ii. 22-48.] The latter is our main Document here:--

I know not how much of the blame was General Rutowski's: one could
surmise some laxity of effort, and a rather slovenly-survey of
facts, in that quarter. The Enterprise, from the first, was flatly
impossible, say judges; and it is certain, poor Rutowski's
execution was not first-rate. "How get across the Elbe?" Rutowski
had said to himself, perhaps not quite with the due rigor of candor
proportionate to the rigorous fact: "How get across the Elbe?
We have copper pontoons at Pirna; but they will be difficult to
cart. Or we might have a boat-bridge; boats planked together two
and two. At Pirna are plenty of boats; and by oar and track-rope,
the River itself might be a road for them? Boats or pontoons to
Konigstein, by water or land, they must be got. Eight miles of
abysmal roads, our horses all extenuated? Impossible to cart these
pontoons!" said Rutowski to himself.--Pity he had not tried it.
He had a week to do those eight bad miles in; and 2,000 lean
horses, picking grass or brown leaves, while their riders threshed.
"We will drag our pontoons by water, by the Elbe tow-path," thought
Rutowski, "that will be easier;"--and forthwith sets about
preparing for it, secretly collecting boats at Pirna, steersmen,
towing-men, bridge-tackle and what else will be necessary. 

Rutowski made, at least, no delay. Browne's messenger, we find, had
come to him, "Thursday, 7th:" and on Friday night Rutowski has a
squad of boatmen, steersmen and twoscore of towiug peasants ready;
and actually gets under way. They are escorted by the due
battalions with field-pieces;--who are to fire upon the Prussian
batteries, and keep up such a blaze of musketry and heavier shot,
as will screen the boats in passing. Surely a ticklish operation,
this;--arguing a sanguine temper in General Rutowski! The south
bank of the River is ours; but there are various Prussian
batteries, three of them very strong, along the north bank, which
will not fail to pelt us terribly as we pass. No help for it;--we
must trust in luck! Here is the sequel, with dates adjusted.

ELBE RIVER, NIGHT OF OCTOBER 8th-9th. Friday night, accordingly, so
soon as Darkness (unusually dark this night) has dropt her veil on
the business, Rutowski sets forth. The Prussian battery, or bridge-
head (TETE-DE-PONT), at Pirna, has not noticed him, so silent was
he. But, alas, the other batteries do not fail to notice; to give
fire; and, in fact, on being answered, and finding it a serious
thing, to burst out into horrible explosion; unanswerable by the
Saxon field-pieces; and surely perilous to human nature steering
and towing those big River-Boats. "Loyal to our King, and full of
pity for him; that are we;"--but towing at a rate, say of two
shillings per head! Before long, the forty towing peasants fling
down their ropes, first one, then more, then all, in spite of
efforts, promises, menaces; and vanish among the thickets,--
forfeiting the two shillings, on view of imminent death.
Soldiers take the towing-ropes; try to continue it a little;
but now the steersmen also manage to call halt: "We won't! Let us
out, let us out! We will steer you aground on the Prussian shore if
you don't!" making night hideous. And the towing enterprise breaks
down for that bout; double barges mooring on the Saxon shore, I
know not precisely at what point, nor is it material.

SATURDAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 9th-10th) New boatmen, forty new towmen
have been hired at immense increase of wages; say four shillings
for the night: but have you much good probability, my General, that
even for that high guerdon imminence of death can be made
indifferent to towmen? No, you have n't. The matter goes this night
precisely as it did last: towmen vanishing in the horrible cannon
tumult; steersmen shrieking, "We will ground you on the Prussian
shore;" very soldiers obliged to give it up; and General Rutowski
himself obliged to wash his hands of it, as a thing that cannot be
done. In fact, a thing which need not have been tried, had Rutowski
been rigorously candid with himself and his hopes, as the facts now
prove to be. "Twenty-four hours lost by this bad business" (says
he; "thirty-six," as I count, or, to take it rigorously, "forty-
eight" even): and now, Sunday morning instead of Friday, at what,
in sad truth, is metaphorically "the eleventh hour," Rutowski has
to bethink him of his copper pontoons; and make the impossible
carting method possible in a day's time, or do worse.

SUNDAY, MONDAY, OCTOBER 10th-11th, By unheard-of exertions, all
hands and all spent-horses now at a dead-lift effort night and day,
Rutowski does get his pontoons carted out of the Pirna storehouse;
lands them at Thurmsdorf,--opposite the Lilienstein,--a mile or so
short of Konigstein, where his Bridge shall be. It is now the 11th,
at night. And our pontoons are got to the ground, nothing more.
Every man of us, at this hour, should have been across, and
trimming himself to climb, with bayonet fixed! Browne is ready,
expecting our signal-shot to storm in on his side. And our bridge
is not built, only the pontoons here. "All things went perverse,"
adds Rutowski, for farther comfort: "we [Saxon Home-Army] had with
us, except Officers, only Four Pontoniers, or trained Bridge-
builders; all the rest are at Warsaw:" sad thought, but too late to
think it!

TUESDAY, TILL WEDNESDAY EARLY (12th-13th), Bridge, the Four
Pontoniers, with Officers and numb soldiers doing their best, is
got built;--Browne waiting for us, on thorns, all day;
Prussians extensively beginning to strengthen their posts, about
the Lilienstein, about Lichtenhayn, or where risk is; and in fact
pouring across to that northern side, quite aware of Rutowski
and Browne.

That same night, 12th-13th, while the Bridge was struggling to
complete itself,--rain now falling, and tempests broken out,--the
Saxon Army, from Pirna down to Hennersdorf, had lifted itself from
its Lines, and got under way towards Thurmsdorf, and the crossing-
place. Dark night, plunging rain; all the elements in uproar.
The worst roads in Nature; now champed doubly; "such roads as never
any Army marched on before." Most of their cannon are left
standing; a few they had tried to yoke, broke down, "and choked up
the narrow road altogether; so that the cavalry had to dismount,
and lead their horses by side-paths,"--figure what side-paths!
Distance to Thurmsdorf, from any point of the Saxon Lines, cannot
be above six miles: but it takes them all that night and all next
day. Such a march as might fill the heart with pity. Oh, ye
Rutowskis, Bruhls, though never so decorated by twelve tailors,
what a sight ye are at the head of men! Dark night, wild raging
weather, labyrinthic roads worn knee-deep. It is broad daylight,
Wednesday, 13th, and only the vanguard is yet got across, trailing
a couple of cannons; and splashes about, endeavoring to take rank
there, in spite of wet and hunger; rain still pouring, wind
very high.

Nothing of Browne comes, this Wednesday; but from the opposite
Gross-Sedlitz and Gottleube side, the Prussians are coming.
This morning, at daylight, struck by symptoms, "the Prussians
mounted our empty redoubts:" they are now in full chase of us,
Ziethen with Hussars as vanguard. A difficult bit of marching, even
Ziethen and his light people find it; sprawling forward, at their
cheeriest, with daylight to help, and in chase, not chased, through
such intricacies of rock and mud. Ziethen's company did not assist
the Saxons! They wheel round, show fight, and there is volleying
and bickering all day; the Saxon march getting ever more perturbed.
Nearly all the baggage has to be left. Ziethen takes into the woods
near Thurmsdorf; giving fire as the poor wet Saxons, now much in a
pell-mell condition, pass to their Bridge. [PRUSSIAN ACCOUNT (in
 Gesammelte Nachrichten),  i. 852.]
Heavier Prussians are striding on to rear; these, from some final
hill-top, do at last belch out two cannon-shots: figure the
confusion at that Bridge, the speed now becoming delirious there!
Towards evening, rain still violent, the Saxons, baggageless, and
rushing quite pell-mell the latter part of them, are mostly across,
still countable to 14,000 or so;--upon which they cut their Bridge
adrift, and let the river take it. At Raden, a few miles lower, the
Prussians fished it out; rebuilt it more deliberately,--and we
shall find it there anon. This day Friedrich, hearing what is
afoot, has returned in person from the Lobositz Country;
takes Struppen as his head-quarter, which was lately the
Polish Majesty's.

From Browne there has nothing come this Wednesday; but to-morrow
morning at seven there comes a Letter from him, written this night
at ten; to the effect:--

 "HEAD-QUARTER, LICHTENHAYN, Wednesday, October 13th, 10 P.M.
"EXCELLENZ,--Have [omitting the I] waited here at Lichtenhayn since
Tuesday, expecting your signal-cannon; hearing nothing of it,
conclude you have by misfortune not been able to get across;
and that the Enterprise is up. My own position being dangerous
[Prussians of double my strength intrenched within few miles of
me], I turn homewards to-morrow at nine A.M.: ready for whatever
occurs TILL then; and sorrowfully say adieu," [PRECIS (ut supra),
p. 493;  Helden-Geschichte,  iii. 940; &c.]

Dreadful weather for Browne in his bivouac, and wearisome waiting,
with Prussians and perils accumulating on him! Browne was ill of
lungs; coughing much; lodging, in these violent tempests, on the
cold ground. A right valiant soldier and man, as does appear;
the flower of all the Irish Brownes (though they have quite
forgotten him in our time), and of all those Irish Exiles then
tragically spending themselves in Austrian quarrels! "You saw the
great man," says one who seems to have been present, "how he
sacrificed himself to this Enterprise. What Austrian Field-marshal
but himself would ever have lowered his loftiness to lead, in
person, so insignificant a Detachment, merely for the public good!
I have seen staff-officers, distinguished only by their sasheries
and insignia, who would not have stirred to inspect a vedette
without 250 men. Our Field-marshal was of another turn.
Sharing with his troops all the hardships, none excepted, of these
critical days; and in spite of a violent cough, which often brought
the visible blood from his lungs, and had quite worn him down;
exposing himself, like the meanest of the Army, to the tempests of
rainy weather. Think what a sight it was, going to your very heart,
and summoning you to endurance of every hardship,--that evening
[not said which], when the Field-marshal, worn out with his
fatigues and his disorder, sank out of fainting-fits into a sleep!
The ground was his bed, and the storm of clouds his coverlid.
In crowds his brave war-comrades gathered round; stripped their
cloaks, their coats, and strove in noble rivalry which of them
should have the happiness to screen the Father of the Army at their
own cost of exposure, and by any device keep the pelting of the
weather from that loved head!" [Cogniazzo,  Gestandnisse
eines OEsterreichischen Veterans,  ii. 251.] There is a
picture for you, in the heights of Lichtenhayn, as you steam past
Schandau, in contemplative mood; and perhaps think of "Justice to
Ireland!" among other sad thoughts that rise.

From Thurmsdorf to the Pontoon-Bridge there was a kind of road;
down which the Saxons scrambled yesterday; and, by painful degrees,
got wriggled across. But, on the other shore, forward to the
Hamlets of Halbstadt and Ebenheit, there is nothing but a steep
slippery footpath: figure what a problem for the 14,000 in such
weather! Then at Ebenheit, close behind, Browne-wards, were Browne
now there, rises the Lilienstein, abrupt rocky mountain, its slopes
on both hands washed by the River (River making its first elbow
here, closely girdling this Lilienstein): on both these slopes are
Prussian batteries, each with its abatis; needing to be stormed:--
that will be your first operation. Abatis and slopes of the
Lilienstein once stormed, you fall into a valley or hollow, raked
again by Prussian batteries; and will have to mount, still
storming, out of the valley, sky-high across the Ziegenruck
(GOAT'S-BACK) ridge: that is your second preliminary operation.  
After which you come upon the work itself; namely, the Prussian
redoubts at Lichtenhayn, and 12,000 men on them by this time!
A modern Tourist says, reminding or informing:

"From the Konigstein to Pirna, Elbe, if serpentine, is like a
serpent rushing at full speed. Just past the Konigstein, the Elbe,
from westward, as its general course is, turns suddenly to
northward; runs so for a mile and a half; then, just before getting
to the BASTEI at Raden, turns suddenly to westward again, and so
continues. Tourists know Raden,"--where the Prussians have just
fished out a Bridge for themselves,--"with the BASTEI high aloft to
west of it. The Old Inn, hospitable though sleepless, stands
pleasantly upon the River-brink, overhung by high cliffs: close on
its left side, or in the intricacies to rear of it, are huts and
houses, sprinkled about, as if burrowed in the sandstone;
more comfortably than you could expect. The site is a narrow dell,
narrow chasm, with labyrinthic chasms branching off from it;
narrow and gloomy as seen from the River, but opening out even into
cornfields as you advance inwards: work of a small Brook, which is
still industriously tinkling and gushing there, and has in Pre-
Adamite times been a lake, and we know not what. Nieder-Raden,
this, on the north side of the River; of Ober-Raden, on the south
side, there is nothing visible from your Inn windows,"--nor have we
anything to do with it farther. An older Guide of Tourists yields
us this second Fraction (capable of condensation):--

... "To Halbstadt, thence to Ebenheit, your path is steeper and
steeper; from Ebenheit to the Lilienstein you take a guide.
The Mountain is conical; coarse RED sandstone; steps cut for you
where needed: August the Strong's Hunting-Lodge (JAGDHUTTE) is here
(August went thither in a grand way, 1708, with his Wife);
Lodge still extant, by the side of a wood;--Lilienstein towering
huge and sheer, solitary, grand, like some colossal Pillar of the
Cyclops, from this round Pediment of Country which you have been
climbing; tops of Lilienstein plumed everywhere with fir and birch,
Pediment also very green and woody. August the Strong, grandly
visiting here, 1708, on finish of those stair-steps cut for you,
set up an Ebenezer, or Column of Memorial at this Hunting-Hut, with
Inscription which can still be read, though now with difficulty in
its time-worn state:--

"FRIEDERICUS AUGUSTUS, REX [of what? Dare not say of POLAND just
now, for fear of Charles XII.], ET ELECTOR SAX., UT FORTUNAEM
VIRTUTE, ITA ASPERAM HANC RUPEM PRIMUS [PRIMUS not of men, but of
Saxon Electors] SUPERAVIT, ADITUMQUE FACILIOREM REDDI CURAVIT.
ANNO 1708."--"UT FORTUNAM VIRTUTE, As his fortune by valor, SO he
conquered this rugged rock by"--Poor devil, only hear him:--and
think how good Nature is (for the time being) to poor devils and
their 354 bastards! [M.(agister) Wilhelm Lebrecht Gotzinger,
 Schandau und seine Umgebungen, oder Beschreibung der
Sachsischen Schweitz  (Dresden, 1812), pp. 145-148.
Gotzinger, who designates himself as "Pastor at Neustadt near
Stolpen" (northwest border of the Pirna Country), has made of this
(which would now be called a TOURIST'S GUIDE, and has something
geological in it) a modest, good little Book, put together with
industry, clearness, brevity. Gives interesting Narrative of our
present Business too, as gathered from his "Father" and other good
sources and testimonies.]

Bruhl and the Polish Majesty, safe enough they, and snug in the
Konigstein, are clear for advancing: "Die like soldiers, for your
King and Country!" writes Polish Majesty, "Thursday, two in the
morning:" that also Rutowski reads; and I think still other Royal
Autographs, sent as Postscripts to that. From the Konigstein they
duly fire off the two Cannon-shot, as signal that we are coming;
signal which Browne, just in the act of departing, never heard,
owing to the piping of the winds and rattling of the rain.
"Advance, my heroes!" counsel they: "You cannot drag your
ammunitions, say you; your poor couple of big guns? Here are his
Majesty's own royal horses for that service!"--and, in effect, the
royal stud is heroically flung open in this pressure; and a
splashing column of sleek quadrupeds, "150 royal draught-horses,
early in the forenoon," [Gotzinger, p. 156.] swim across to
Ebenheit accordingly, if that could encourage. And, "about noon,
there is strong cannonading from the Konigstein, as signal to
Browne," who is off. Polish Majesty looking with his spy-glass in
an astonished manner. In Vain! Rutowski and his Council of War--
sitting wet in a hut of Ebenheit, with 14,000 starved men outside,
who have stood seventy-two hours of rain, for one item--see nothing
for it but "surrender on such terms as we can get."

"In fact," independently of weather and circumstances, "the
Enterprise," says Friedrich, "was radically impossible; nobody that
had known the ground could have judged it other." Rutowski had not
known it, then? Browne never pretended to know it. Rutowski was not
candid with the conditions; the conditions never known nor candidly
looked at; and THEY are now replying to him with candor enough.
From the first his Enterprise was a final flicker of false hope;
going out, as here, by spasm, in the rigors of impossibility and
flat despair.

That column of royal horses sent splashing across the River,--that
was the utmost of self-sacrifice which I find recorded of his
Polish Majesty in this matter. He was very obstinate; his Bruhl and
he were. But his conduct was not very heroic. That royal Autograph,
"General Rutowski, and ye true Saxons, attack these Prussian lines,
then; sell your lives like men" (not like Bruhl and me), must have
fallen cold on the heart, after seventy-two hours of rain!
Rutowski's wet Council of War, in the hut at Ebenheit, rain still
pouring, answers unanimously, "That it were a leading of men to the
butchery;" that there is nothing for it but surrender. Bruhl and
Majesty can only answer: "Well-a-day; it must be so, then!"--
Winterfeld, Prussian Commander hereabouts, grants Armistice, grants
liberal "wagon-loads of bread" first of all; terms of Capitulation
to be settled at Struppen to-morrow.

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 15th, Rutowski goes across to Struppen, the late
Saxon head-quarter, now Friedrich's;--Friday gone a fortnight was
the day of Lobositz. Winterfeld and he are the negotiators there;
Friedrich ratifying or refusing by marginal remarks. The terms
granted are hard enough: but they must be accepted.
First preliminary of all terms has already been accepted: a gift of
bread to these poor Saxons; their haversacks are empty, their
cartridge-boxes drowned; it has rained on them three days and
nights. Last upshot of all terms is still well known to everybody:
That the 14,000 Saxons are compelled to become Prussian, and
"forced to volunteer"!

That had been Friedrich's determination, and reading of his rights
in the matter, now that hard had come to hard. "You refused all
terms; you have resisted to death (or death's-DOOR); and are now at
discretion!" Of the question, What is to be done with those Saxons?
Friedricb had thought a great deal, first and last; and had found
it very intricate,--as readers too will, if they think of it.
"Prisoners of War,--to keep them locked up, with trouble and
expense, in that fashion? They can never be exchanged: Saxony has
now nothing to exchange them with; and Austria will not.
Their obstinacy has had costs to me; who of us can count what
costs! In short, they shall volunteer!" 

"Never did I, for my poor part, authorize such a thing," loudly
asseverated Rutowski afterwards. And indeed the Capitulation is not
precise on that interesting point. A lengthy Document, and not
worth the least perusal otherwise; we condense it into three
Articles, all grounding on this general Basis, not deniable by
Rutowski: "The Saxon Army, being at such a pass, ready to die of
hunger, if we did NOT lift our finger, has, so to speak, become our
property; and we grant it the following terms:"--
  "1. Kettle-drums, standards and the like insignia and matters of
honor,--carry these to the Konigstein, with my regretful respects
to his Polish Majesty. Konigstein to be a neutral Fortress during
this War. Polish Majesty at perfect liberty to go to Warsaw [as he
on the instant now did, and never returned].
  "2. Officers to depart on giving their parole, Not to serve
against us during this War [Parole given, nothing like too well
kept].
  "3. Rest of the Army, with all its equipments, munitions, soul
and body (so to speak), is to surrender utterly, and be ours, as
all Saxony shall for the present be." [In  Helden-
Geschichte,  iii. 920-928, at full length--with
Briedrich's MARGINALIA noticeably brief.]

That is, in sum, the Capitulation of Struppen. Nothing articulate
in it about the one now interesting point,--and in regard to that,
I can only fancy Rutowski might interject, interrogatively, perhaps
at some length: "Our soldiers to be Prisoners of War, then?"
"Prisoners; yes, clearly,--unless they choose to volunteer, and
have a better fate! Prisoners can volunteer. They are at
discretion; they would die, if we did NOT lift our finger!" thus I
suppose Winterfeld would rejoin, if necessary;--and that, in the
Winterfeld-Rutowski Conferences, the thing had probably been kept
in a kind of CHIAROSCURO by both parties.

Very certain it is, Sunday, 17th October, 1756, Capitulation being
signed the night before, Friedrich goes across at Nieder-Raden
(where the Pilgrim of the Picturesque now climbs to see the BASTEI;
where the Prussians have, by this time, a Bridge thrown together
out of those Pontoons),--goes across at Nieder-Raden, up that
chasmy Pass; rides to the Heights of Waltersdorf, in the opener
country behind; and pauses there, while the captive Saxon Army
defiles past him, laying down its arms at his feet. Unarmed, and
now under Prussian word of command, these Ex-Saxon soldiers go on
defiling; march through by that Chasm of Nieder-Raden; cross to
Ober-Raden; and, in the plainer country thereabouts, are--in I know
not what length of hours, but in an incredibly short length, so
swift is the management--changed wholly into Prussian soldiers:
"obliged to volunteer," every one of them!

That is the fact; fact loudly censured; fact surely questionable,--
to what intrinsic degree I at this moment do not know. Fact much
blamable before the loose public of mankind; upon which I leave men
to their verdict. It is not a fact which invites imitation, as we
shall see! Fact how accomplished; by what methods? that would be
the question with me; but even that is left dark. "The horse
regiments, three of heavy horse, he broke; and distributed about, a
good few in his own Garde-du-Corps." Three other horse regiments
were in Poland, the sole Saxon Army now left,--of whom, at least of
one man among whom, we may happen to hear. "Ten foot regiments
[what was reckoned a fault] he left together; in Prussian uniform,
with Prussian Officers. They were scattered up and down; put in
garrisons; not easy handling them: they deserted by whole companies
at a time in the course of this War." [Preuss, ii. 22, 135;
in Stenzel (v. 16-20) more precise details.] Not a measure for
imitation, as we said!--How Friedrich defended such hard conduct to
the Saxons? Reader, I know only that Destiny and Necessity, urged
on by Saxons and others, was hard as adamant upon Friedrich at this
time; and that Friedrich did not the least dream of making any
defence;--and will have to take your verdict, such as it may be.

Moritz of Dessau had a terrible Winter of it, organizing and
breaking in these Saxon people,--got by press-gang in this way.
Polish Majesty, "with 500 of suite," had driven instantly for
Warsaw; post-horses most politely furnished him, and all the
Prussian posts and soldiers well kept out of his road,--road chosen
for him to that end. Poor soul, he never came back. For six years
coming, he saw, from Warsaw in the distance (amid anarchy and
NIE-POZWALAM, which he never lacked there), the wide War raging, in
Saxony especially; and died soon after it was done. Nor did Bruhl
return, except broken by that event, and to die in few months
after. Let us pity the poor fat-goose of a Majesty (not ill-natured
at all, only stupid and idle): some pity even to the doomed-
phantasm Bruhl, if you can;--and thank Heaven to have got done with
such a pair!--

Friedrich's treatment of the Saxon Troops, Saxon Majesty and
Country: who shall say that it was wise in all points? It would be
singular treatment, if it were! In all things, AFTER is so
different from BEFORE and DURING. The truth is, Friedrich hoped
long to have made some agreement with the Saxons. And readers now,
in the universal silence, have no notion of Friedrich's
complexities from fact, and of the loud howl of hostile rumor,
which was piping through all journals, diplomacies and foreign
human throats, against him at that time.

"The essential passages of War and Peace," says a certain
Commentator, "during those Five weeks of Pirna, can be made
intelligible in small compass. But how the world argued of them
then and afterwards, and rang with hot Gazetteer and Diplomatic
logic from side to side, no reader will now ever know. A world-
tornado extinct, gone:--think of the sounds uttered from human
windpipes, shrill with rage some of them, hoarse others with ditto;
of the vituperations, execrations, printed and vocal,--grating
harsh thunder upon Friedrich and this new course of his.
Huge melody of Discords, shrieking, droning, grinding on that
topic, through the afflicted Universe in general, for certain
years. The very Pamphlets printed on it,--cannot Dryasdust give me
the number of tons weight, then? Dead now every Pamphlet of them;
a thing fallen horrible to human nature; extinct forever, as is the
wont in such cases."

I will give only this of Voltaire; a mild Epigram, done at The
DELICES, in pleasant view of Ferney and good things coming. A bolt
shot into the storm-tost Sea and its wreckages, by a Mariner now
cheerily drying his clothes on the shore there;--in fact, an
indifferent Epigram, on Kings Friedrich and George, which is now
flying about in select circles:--


"Rivaux du Vainqueur de l'Euphrate,
  L'Oncle et le Neveu,
L'un fait la guerre en pirate,
  L'autre en parti bleu.
"

"Rivals of Alexander the Great, this Uncle and Nephew make war, the
one as a Pirate [seizure of those French ships], the other [Saxony
stolen] as Captain of an Accidental Thieving-squad,"--PARTI BLEU,
as the French soldiers call it. [Walpole's LETTERS, "To Sir Horace
Mann, 8th December; 1756."]


MAP facing page 365, Chap VII, Book 17---------------------

+++++++++++++++++++++++

Pirna was no sooner done than Friedrich returned to the "Camp at
Lobositz," where his victorious Keith-Army has been lying all this
while. The Camp of Lobositz, and all Camps Prussian and Austrian,
are about to strike their tents, and proceed to Winter-quarters, to
prepare against next Spring. Friedrich set off thither October 18th
(the very day after that of Waltersdorf); with intent to bring home
Keith's Army, and see if Browne meant anything farther (which
Browne did not, or does only in the small Tolpatch way); also to
meet, Schwerin, whom he had summoned over from Silesia for a little
conference there. Schwerin, after eating Konigsgratz Country well,
--which was all he could do, as Piccolomini would not come out, and
we know how strong the ground is,--had retired to Silesia again, in
due season (snapping up, in a sharply conclusive manner, any
Tolpatcheries that attempted chase of him); taken Winter
cantonments in Silesia, headquarter Schweidnitz; and is now getting
his Instructions, here personally, in the Metal Mountains, for a
day or two. [ Helden-Geschichte,  iii.
946, 948.]

Friedrich brought his Keith-Army home to Gross-Sedlitz, to join the
other Force there; and distributed the whole into their Winter-
quarters. Cantoned far and wide, spreading out from Pirna on both
hands: on the left or western hand, by Zwickau, Freyberg, Chemnitz,
up to Leipzig, Torgau; and on the right or northeast hand, by
Zittau, Gorlitz, Bautzen, to protect the Lausitz against Austrian
inroads,--while a remote Detachment, under Winterfeld, watches the
Bober River with similar views. [In  Helden-Geschichte,
 iii. 948 et seq., a minute List by Place and
Regiment.] All which done, or settled to be done, Friedrich quits
Gross-Sedlitz, November 14th; and takes up his abode at Dresden for
this Winter.



Chapter VIII.

WINTER IN DRESDEN.

The Saxon Army is incorporated, then; its King gone under the
horizon; the Saxon Country has a Prussian Board set over it, to
administer all things of Government, especially to draw taxes and
recruits from Saxony. Torgau, seat of this new Board, has got
fortified; "1,500 inhabitants were requisitioned as spademen for
that end, at first with wages,"--latterly, I almost fear, without!

The Saxon Ministers are getting drilled, cashiered if necessary;
and on all hands, rigorous methods going forward;--till Saxony is
completely under grasp; in which state it was held very tight
indeed, for the six years coming. There is no detailing of all
that; details, were they even known to an Editor at such distance,
would weary every reader. Enough to understand that Friedrich has
not on this occasion, as he did in 1744, omitted to disarm Saxony,
to hobble it in every limb, and have it, at discretion, tied as
with ropes to his interests and him. [ Helden-Geschichte,
 iii. 945-956.] His management was never accounted
cruel; and it was studiously the reverse of violent or irregular:
but it had to be rigorous as the facts were;--nor was it the worst,
or reckoned the worst, of Saxony's miseries in this time.

Poor Country, suffering for its Bruhl! In the Country, except for
its Bruhl, there was no sin against Prussia; the reverse rather.
The Saxon population, as Protestants, have no good-will to Austria
and its aims of aggrandizement. In Austrian spy-letters, now and
afterwards, they are described to us as "GUT PREUSSISCH;" "strong
for Prussia, the most of them, even in Dresden itself."

Whether Friedrich could have had much real hope to end the War this
Year, or scare it off from beginning, may be a question. If he had,
it is totally disappointed. The Saxon Government has brought ruin
on itself and Country, but it has been of great damage to
Friedrich. Would Polish Majesty have consented to disband his
soldiers, and receive Friedrich with a BONA-FIDE "Neutrality,"
Friedrich could have passed the Mountains still in time for a heavy
stroke on Bohemia, which was totally unprepared for such a visit,
And he might--from the Towers of Prag, for instance--have, far more
persuasively, held out the olive-branch to an astonished Empress-
Queen: "Leave me alone, Madam; will you, then! Security for that;
I wanted and want nothing more!" But Polish Majesty, taking on him
the character of Austrian martyr, and flinging himself into the
gulf, has prevented all that; has turned all that the other way.

Austria, it appears, is quite ungrateful: "Was n't he bound?"
thinks Austria,--as its wont rather is. Forgetful of the great
deliverance wrought for it by poor Polish Majesty; whom it could
not deliver-except into bottomless wreck! Austria, grateful or not,
stands unscathed; has time to prepare its Armaments, its vocal
Arguments: Austria is in higher provocation than ever; and its very
Arguments, highly vocal to the Reich and the world, "Is not this
man a robber, and enemy of mankind?" do Friedrich a great deal of
ill. Friedrich's sudden Campaign, instead of landing him in the
heart of the Austrian States, there to propose Peace, has kindled
nearly all Europe into flames of rage against him,--which will not
consist in words merely! Never was misunderstanding of a man at a
higher pitch: "Such treatment of a peaceable Neighbor and Crowned
Head,--witness it, ye Heavens and thou Earth!" Dauphiness falling
on her knees to Most Christian Majesty; "Princess and dearest
Sister" to Most Christian Majesty's Pompadour; especially no end of
Pleading to the German Reich, in a furious, Delphic-Pythoness or
quasi-inspired tone: all this goes on.

From the time when Pirna was blockaded, Kaiser Franz, his high
Consort and sense of duty urging him, has been busy in the Reich's-
Hofrath (kind of Privy-Council or Supreme Court of the Reich, which
sits at Vienna); busy there, and in the Reich's Diet at Regensburg;
busy everywhere, with utmost diligence over Teutschland,--forging
Reich thunder. Manifestoes, HOF-DECRETS, DEHORTATORIUMS,
EXCITATORIUMS; so goes it, exploding like Vesuvius, shock on the
back of shock:--20th September it began; and lasts, CRESCENDO,
through Winter and onwards, at an extraordinary rate. [In 
Helden-Geschichte  (iv. 163-174; iii. 956; and indeed
PASSIM through those Volumes), the Originals in frightful
superabundance.] Of all which, leaving readers to imagine it, we
will say nothing,--except that it points towards "Armed
Interference by the Reich," "Reich's Execution Army;" nay towards
"Ban of the Reich" (total excommunication of this Enemy of Mankind,
and giving of him up to Satan, by bell, book and candle), which is
a kind of thunder-bolt not heard of for a good few ages past!
Thunder-bolt thought to be gone mainly to rust by the judicious;--
which, however, the poor old Reich did grasp again, and attempt to
launch. As perhaps we shall have to notice by and by, among the
miracles going.

France too, urged by the noblest concern, feels itself called upon.
France magnanimously intimates to the Reich's Diet, once and again,
"That Most Christian Majesty is guarantee of the Treaty of
Westphalia; Most Christian Majesty cannot stand such procedures;"
and then the second time, "That Most Christian Majesty will
interfere practically,"--by 100,000 men and odd.
[ Helden-Geschichte,  iv. 340 ("26th March,
1757").] In short, the sleeping world-whirlwinds are awakened
against this man. General Dance of the Furies; there go they, in
the dusky element, those Eumenides, "giant-limbed, serpent-haired,
slow-pacing, circling, torch in hand" (according to Schiller),--
scattering terror and madness. At least, in the Diplomatic Circles
of mankind;--if haply the Populations will follow suit!--

Friedrich, abundantly contemptuous of Reich's-thunder in the rusted
kind, and well able to distinguish sound from substance in the
Reich or elsewhere, recognizes in all this sufficiently portentous
prophecies of fact withal; and understands, none better, what a
perilous position he has got into. But he cannot mend it;--can
only, as usual, do his own utmost in it. As readers will believe he
does; and that his vigilance and diligence are very great.
Continual, ubiquitous and at the top of his bent, one fancies his
effort must have been,--though he makes no noise on the subject.
Considerable work he has with Hanover, this Winter; with the poor
English Government, and their "Army of Observation," which is to
appear in the Hanover parts, VERSUS those 100,000 French, next
Spring. To Hanover he has sent Schmettau (the Younger Schmettau,
Elder is now dead) in regard to said Army; has made a new and
closer Treaty with England (impossible to be fulfilled on poor
England's part);--and laments, as Mitchell often does, the
tragically embroiled condition of that Country, struggling so
vehemently, to no purpose, to get out of bed, and not unlike
strangling or smothering itself in its own blankets, at present!
With and in regard to Saxony, his work is of course extremely
considerable; and in regard to his own Army, and its coming
Business, considerablest of all. Counter-Manifesto work, to state
his case in a distinct manner, and leave it with the Populations if
the Diplomacies are deaf: this too, is copiously proceeding;
under Artists who probably do not require much supervision.
In fact, no King living has such servants, in the Civil or the
Military part, to execute his will. And no King so little wastes
himself in noises; a King who has good command of himself, first of
all; not to be thrown off his balance by any terror, any
provocation even, though his temper is very sharp.

Friedrich in person is mainly at Dresden, lodged in the Bruhl
Palace;--endless wardrobes and magnificences there; three hundred
and sixty-FOUR Pairs of Breeches hanging melancholy, in a widowed
manner: C'EST ASSEZ DE CULOTTES; MONTREZ-MOI DES VERTUS! Bruhl is
far away, in Poland; Madam Bruhl has still her Apartments in this
Palace,--a frugal King needs only the necessary spaces.
Madam Bruhl is very busy here; and not to good purpose, being well
seen into. "She had a cask of wine sent her from Warsaw," says
Friedrich; "orders were given to decant for her every drop of the
wine, but to be sure and bring us the cask." Cask was found to have
two bottoms, intermediate space filled with spy-correspondence.
Madam Bruhl protests and pleads, Friedrich not unpolite in reply;
his last Letter to her says, "Madam, it is better that you go and
join your Husband."

Another high Dame gets sausages from Bohemia;--some of Friedrich's
light troops have an appetite, beyond strict law for sausages;
break in, find Letters along with the other stuffing.
[ OEuvres de Frederic,  iv. 108; Mitchell,
"27th March, 1757" (Raumer p. 321).] Friedrich has a good deal of
watching and coercing to do in that kind,--some arresting,
conveyance even to Custrin for a time, though nothing crueler
proved needful. To the poor Queen he keeps up civilities, but is
obliged to be strict as Argus;--she made him a Gift too, the NIGHT
of Correggio, admired NOTTE of Correggio; having heard that he sat
before it silent for half an hour, on entering that fine Gallery,--
which is due to our Sovereign Lord and his Bruhl, alas! On the
other hand, Friedrich had to take from her Majesty's Royal Abode
those Hundred Swiss of Body-guard; to discharge the same, and put
Prussians in their stead. Nay, at one time, on loud outcry from her
Majesty, and great private cause of complaint against her, there
was talk of sending the poor Royal lady to Warsaw, after her
Husband; but her objection being violent, nothing came of that:
Winter following, her poor Majesty died, [27th November, 1757.] and
gave nobody any farther trouble.

Friedrich's outposts, especially in the Lausitz, are a good deal
disturbed by Austrian Tolpatcheries; and do feats, heroic in the
small way, in smiting down that rabble. A valuable Officer or two
is lost in such poor service, poor but indispensable; [Funeral
Discourses (of a very curious, ponderous and serious tone), in
 Gesammelte Nachrichten,  ii. 458, 464, &c.]
and the troops have not always the repose which is intended them.
Lieutenant-Colonel Loudon (Scotch by kindred, and famous enough
before long) is the soul of these Croat enterprises,--and gets his
Colonelcy by them, in a month or two; Browne recommending.
Loudon had arrived too late for Lobositz, but had been with Browne
to Schandau; and, on the march homewards, did a bright feat of the
Croat kind:--surprisal, very complete, of that Hill-Castle of
Tetschen and considerable Hussar Party there; done in a style which
caught the eye of Browne; and was the beginning of great things to
poor Loudon, after his twenty years of painful eclipse under the
Indigo Trencks, and miscellaneous Doggeries, Austrian aud Russian.
[LA VIE DU FELDMARECHAL BARON DE LOUDON (Translation of one Pezzl's
German: a Vienne et a Paris, 1792), i. 1-32.]

Tetschen, therefore, will again need capture by the Prussians, if
they again intend that way. And in the mean while, Friedrich, to
counterpoise those mischievous Croat people, has bethought him of
organizing a similar Force of his own;--Foot chiefly, for, on hint
of former experience, he already has Hussars in quantity. And, this
Winter, there are accordingly, in different Saxon Towns, three
Irregular Regiments getting ready for him; three "Volunteer
Colonels" busily enlisting each his "Free Corps," such the title
chosen;--chief Colonel of them one Mayer, now in Zwickau
neighborhood with 6 or 700 loose handy fellows round him, getting
formed into strict battalion there: [Pauli (our old diffuse
friend),  Leben grosser Helden des gegenwartigen Krieges
 (9 vols., Halle, 1759-1764), iii. 159, ? Mayr.] of
whom, and of whose soldiering, we shall hear farther. For the plan
was found to answer; and extended itself year after year; and the
"Prussian Free Corps," one way and another, made considerable noise
in the world.

Outwardly Friedrich's Life is quiet; busy, none can be more so;
but to the on-looker, placid, polite especially. He hears sermon
once or twice in the Kreuz-Kirche (Protestant High Church);
then next day will hear good music, devotional if you call it so,
in the Catholic Church, where her Polish Majesty is. Daily at the
old hour he has his own Concert, now and then assisting with his
own flute. Makes donations to the Poor, and such like, due from
Saxon Sovereignty while held by him; on the other hand, reduces
salaries at a sad rate Guarini, Queen's Confessor, from near 2,000
pounds to little more than 300 pounds, for one instance;--cuts off
about 25,000 pounds in all under this head. [ Helden-
Geschichte,  iv. 306 ("December, 1756").] And is heavy
with billeting, as new Prussians arrive. Billets at length in
the very Ambassadors' Hotels,--and by way of apology to the
Excellencies, signifies to them in a body: "Sorry for the
necessity, your Excellencies: but ought not you to go to Warsaw
rather? Your credentials are to his Polish Majesty. He is not here;
nor coming hither, for some time!" Which hint, I suppose, the
Excellencies mostly took. From his own Forests there came by the
Elbe great rafts of firewood, to warm his soldiers in their
quarters. Once or twice he makes excursions, of a day of two days;
to the Lausitz, to Leipzig (through Freyberg, where he has a post
of importance);--very gracious to the University people: "Students
be troubled with soldiering? Far from it ye learned Gentlemen,
servants of the Muses! Recruitment, a lamentable necessity, is to
go on under your own Official people, and wholly by the old
methods." [ Helden-Geschichte,  iv. 303-313;
UNIVERSITATSANSCHLAG ZU LEIPZIG, WEGEN DER WERBUNG
("University-Placard about Enlisting:" in  Gesammelte
Nachrichten,  i. 811).]

Once, and once only, he made a run to Berlin, January 4th-18th,
1757: the last for six years and more. Came with great despatch,
Brother Henri with him, whole journey in one day; got, "to his
Mother's about 11 at night." [Ib. iv. 308.] A joyful meeting, for
the kindred: cheerful light-gleam in the dark time, so suddenly
eclipsed to them and others by those hurricanes that have risen.
His Majesty seems to be in perfect health; and wears no look of
gloom. At Berlin is no Carnival this year; all are grave, sunk in
sad contemplations of the future. Of his businesses in this
interval, which were many, I will say nothing; only of one little
Act he did, the day before his departure: the writing of this
SECRET LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS to Graf Finck von Finkenstein, his
chief Home Minister, one of his old boy-comrades, as readers may
recollect. The Letter was read by Count Finck with profound
attention, 11th January, 1757, and conned over till he knew every
point of it; after which he sealed it up, inscribing on the Cover:
"HOCHSTEIGENHANDIGE UND GANX GEHEIME"--that is, "Highest-
Autographic and altogether Secret Instructions, by the King, which,
with the Appendixes, were delivered to me, Graf von Finkenstein,
the 12th of January, 1757." In this docketing it lay, sealed for
many years (none knows how many), then unsealed, still in strict
keeping, in the Private Royal Archives" [Preuss, i. 449.]--till on
Friedrich's Birthday, 24th January, 1854, it was, with some
solemnity, lithographed at Berlin, and distributed to a select
public,--as readers shall see.


"SECRET INSTRUCTION FOR THE GRAF VON FINCK.

"BERLIN, 10th January, 1757. 

"In the critical situation our affairs are in, I ought to give you
my orders, so that in all the disastrous cases which are in the
possibility of events, you be authorized for taking the
necessary steps.

"1. If it chanced (which Heaven forbid) that one of my Armies in
Saxony were totally beaten; or that the French should drive the
Hanoverians from their Country [which they failed not to do], and
establish themselves there, and threaten us with an invasion into
the Altmark; or that the Russians should get through by the
Neumark,--you are to save the Royal Family, the principal
DICASTERIA [Land-Schedules, Lists of Tax-dues], the Ministries and
the Directorium [which is the central Ministry of all]. If it is in
Saxony on the Leipzig side that we are beaten, the fittest place
for the removal of the Royal Family, and of the Treasure, is to
Custrin: in such case the Royal Family and all above named must go,
escorted by the whole Garrison" of Berlin, "to Custrin. If the
Russians entered by the Neumark, or if a misfortune befell us in
the Lausitz, it would be to Magdeburg that all would have to go:
in fine, the last refuge is Stettin,--but you must not go till the
last extremity. The Garrison, the Royal Family and the Treasure are
inseparable, and go always together: to this must be added the
Crown Diamonds, the Silver Plate in the Grand Apartments,--which,
in such case, as well as the Gold Plate, must be at once coined
into money.

"If it happened that I were killed, the Public Affairs must go on
without the smallest alteration, or its being noticeable that they
are in other hands: and, in this case, you must hasten forward the
Oaths and Homagings, as well here as in Preussen; and, above all,
in Silesia. If I should have the fatality to be taken prisoner by
the Enemy, I prohibit all of you from paying the least regard to my
person, or taking the least heed of what I might write from my
place of detention. Should such misfortune happen me, I wish to
sacrifice myself for the State; and you must obey my Brother,--who,
as well as all my Ministers and Generals, shall answer to me with
their heads, Not to offer any Province or any Ransom for me, but to
continue the War, pushing their advantages, as if I never had
existed in the world.

"I hope, and have ground to believe, that you, Count Finck, will
not need to make use of this Instruction: but in case of
misfortune, I authorize you to employ it; and, as mark that it is,
after a mature and sound deliberation, my firm and constant will, I
sign it with my Hand and confirm it with my Seal."

Or, in Friedrich's own spelling &c., so far as our possibilities
permit:--

"INSTRUCTION SECRETE POUR LE CONTE DE FINE.

"BERLIN, ce 10 de Janv. 1757. 

"Dans La Situation Critique ou se trouvent nos affaires je dois
Vous donner mes Ordres pour que dans tout Les Cas Malheureux qui
sont dans la possibilite des Evenemens vous Soyez autorisse aux
partis quil faut prendre. 1)[Yes; but there follows no "2)"
anywhere, such the haste!] Sil arivoit (de quoi le Ciel preserve)
qu'une de mes Armees en Saxse fut totallement battue, oubien que
Les francais chassassent Les Hanovryeins de Leur pais et si
etablissent et nous menassassent d'un Invassion dans la Vieille
Marche, ou que les Russes penetrassent par La Nouvelle Marche, il
faut Sauver la famille Royale, les principeaux Dicasteres les
Ministres et le Directoire. Si nous somes battus en Saxse du Cote
de leipssic Le Lieu Le plus propre pour Le transport de La famille
et du Tressor est a Custrin, il faut en ce Cas que la famille
Royalle et touts cidesus nomez aillent esCortez de toute La
Guarnisson a Custrin. Si les Russes entroient par la Nouvele Marche
ou quil nous arivat un Malheur en Lusace, il faudroit que tout Se
transportat a Magdebourg, enfin Le Derni& refuge est a Stetein,
mais il ne hut y all&r qu'a La Derniere exstremite La Guarnisson la
famille Royalle et le Tressort sent Inseparables et vont toujours
ensemble il faut y ajouter les Diamans de la Couronne, et
L'argenterie des Grands Apartements qui en pareil cas ainsi que la
Veselle d'or doit etre incontinant Monoyee. Sil arivoit que je fus
tue, il faut que Les affaires Continuent Leur train sans la Moindre
allteration et Sans qu'on s'apersoive qu'elles sont en d'autre
Mains, et en ce Cas il faut hater Sermens et homages tant ici qu'en
prusse et surtout en Silesie. Si j'avois la fatalite d'etre pris
prissonier par L'Enemy, je Defend qu'on Aye le Moindre egard pour
ma perssonne ni qu'on fasse La Moindre reflextion sur ce que je
pourois ecrire de Ma Detention, Si pareil Malheur m'arivoit je Veux
me Sacriffier pour L'Etat et il faut qu'on obeisse a Mon frere le
quel ainsi que tout Mes Ministres et Generaux me reponderont de
leur Tette qu'on offrira ni province ni ransson pour moy et que lon
Continuera la Guerre en poussant Ses avantages tout Come si je
n'avais jamais exsiste dans le Monde. J'espere et je dois Croire
que Vous Conte finc n'aurez pas bessoin de faire usage de Cette
Instruction mais en cas de Malheur je Vous autorisse a L'Employer,
et Marque que C'est apres Une Mure et saine Deliberation Ma ferme
et Constante Volonte je le Signe de Ma Main et la Muni de
mon Cachet                        "FEDERIC R." 
[Fac simile of Autograph (Berlin, 24th January, 1854), where is
some indistinct History of the Document. Printed also in 
OEuvres,  xxv. 319-323.]

These, privately made law in this manner, are Friedrich's fixed
feelings and resolutions;--how fixed is now farther apparent by a
fact which was then still more private, guessable long afterwards
only by one or two, and never clearly known so long as Friedrich
lived: the fact that he had (now most probably, though the date is
not known) provided poison for himself, and constantly wore it
about his person through this War. "Five or six small pills, in a
small glass tube, with a bit of ribbon to it:" that stern relic
lay, in a worn condition, in some drawer of Friedrich's, after
Friedrich was gone. [Preuss, ii. 175, 315 n.] For the Facts are
peremptory; and a man that will deal with them must be equally so.

Two days after this Finck missive, Friday, 12th, Friedrich took
farewell at Berlin, drove to Potsdam that night with his Brother,
to Dresden next day. Adieu, Madam; Adieu, O Mother! said the King,
in royal terms, but with a heart altogether human. "May God above
bless you, my Son!" the old Lady would reply:--and the Two had seen
one another for the last time; Mother and Son were to meet no more
in this world.