THE MYTHS OF MEXICO AND PERU
by Lewis Spence
PREFACE
IN recent years a reawakening has taken place in the study of American
archćology and antiquities, owing chiefly to the labours of a band of
scholars in the United States and a few enthusiasts in the continent of
Europe. For the greater part of the nineteenth century it appeared as if the
last word had been written upon Mexican archćology. The lack of excavations
and exploration had cramped the outlook of scholars, and there was nothing
for them to work upon save what had been done in this respect before their
own time. The writers on Central America who lived in the third quarter of
the last century relied on the travels of Stephens and Norman, and never
appeared to consider it essential that the country or the antiquities in
which they specialised should be examined anew, or that fresh expeditions
should be equipped to discover whether still further monuments existed
relating to the ancient peoples who raised the teocallis of Mexico and the
huacas of Peru. True, the middle of the century was not altogether without
its Americanist explorers, but the researches of these were performed in a
manner so perfunctory that but few additions to the science resulted from
their labours.
Modern Americanist archaeology may be said to have been the creation of a
brilliant band of scholars who, working far apart and without any attempt at
co-operation, yet succeeded in accomplishing much. Among these may be
mentioned the Frenchmen Charnay and de Rosny, and the Americans Brinton, H.
H. Bancroft, and Squier. To these succeeded the German scholars Seler,
Schellhas, and Förstemann, the Americans Winsor, Starr, Savile, and Cyrus
Thomas, and the Englishmen Payne and Sir Clements Markham. These men,
splendidly equipped for the work they had taken in hand, were yet hampered
by the lack of reliable data -a want later supplied partly by their own
excavations and partly by the painstaking labours of Professor Maudslay,
principal of the International College of Antiquities at Mexico, who, with
his wife, is responsible or the exact pictorial reproductions of many of the
ancient edifices in Central America and Mexico.
Writers in the sphere of Mexican and Peruvian myth have been few. The first
to attack the subject in the light of the modern science of comparative
religion was Daniel Garrison Brinton, professor of American languages and
archaeology in the University of Philadelphia. He has been followed by
Payne, Schellhas, Seler, and Rrstemann, all of whom, however, have confined
the publication of their researches to isolated articles in various
geographical and scientific journals. The remarks of mythologists who are
not also Americanists upon the subject of American myth must be accepted
with caution.
The question of the alphabets of ancient America is perhaps the most acute
in present-day pre-Columbian archaeology. But progress is being made in this
branch of the subject, and several scholars are working in whole-hearted co-
operation to secure final results.
What has Great Britain accomplished in this new and fascinating field of
science? If the lifelong and valuable labours of the late Sir Clements
Markham be excepted, almost nothing. It is earnestly hoped that the
publication of this volume may prove the means of leading many English
students to the study and consideration of American archaeology.
There remains the romance of old America. The real interest of American
mediaeval history must ever circle around Mexico and Peru-her golden
empires, her sole exemplars of civilisation; and it is to the books upon the
character of these two nations that we must turn for a romantic interest as
curious and as absorbing as that bound up in the history of Egypt or
Assyria.
If human interest is craved for by any man, let him turn to the narratives
of Garcilasso el Inca de la Vega and Ixtlilxochitl, representatives and last
descendants of the Peruvian and Tezcucan monarchies, and read there the
frightful story of the path to fortune of red-heeled Pizarro and cruel
Cortés, of the horrible cruelties committed upon the red man, whose colour
was "that of the devil," of the awful pageant of fold-sated pirates laden
with the treasures of palaces, of the stripping of temples whose very bricks
were of gold, whose very drain-pipes were of silver, of rapine and the
sacrilege of high places, of porphyry gods dashed down the pyramidal sides
of lofty teocallis, of princesses tom from the very steps of the throne-ay,
read these for the most wondrous tales ever writ by the hand of man, tales
by the side of which the fables of Araby seem dim -the story of a clash of
worlds, the conquest of a new, of an isolated hemisphere.
It is usual to speak of America as "a continent without a history." The
folly of such a statement is extreme. For centuries prior to European
occupation Central America was the seat of civilisations boasting a history
and a semi-historical mythology second to none in richness and interest. It
is only because the sources of that history are unknown to the general
reader that such assurance upon the lack of it exists.
Let us hope that this book may assist in attracting many to the head-
fountain of a river whose affluents water many a plain of beauty not the
less lovely because bizarre, not the less fascinating because somewhat
remote from modern thought.
In conclusion I have to acknowledge the courtesy of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, which placed in my hands a valuable collection of illustrations
and allowed me to select from these at my discretion. The pictures chosen
include the drawings used as tailpieces to chapters; others, usually half-
tones, are duly acknowledged where they occur.
LEWIS SPENCE
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. THE CIVILISATION OF MEXICO
II. MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY
III. MYTHS AND LEGENDS OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS
IV. THE MAYA RACE AND MYTHOLOGY
V. MYTHS OF THE MAYA
VI. THE CIVILISATION OF OLD PERU
VII. THE MYTHOLOGY OF PERU
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX AND GLOSSARY
CHAPTER 1: THE CIVILISATION OF MEXICO
The Civilisations of the New World
THERE is now no question as to the indigenous origin of the civilisations of
Mexico, Central America, and Peru. Upon few subjects, how. ever, has so much
mistaken erudition been lavished. The beginnings of the races who inhabited
these regions, and the cultures which they severally created, have been
referred to nearly every civilised or semicivilised nation of antiquity, and
wild if fascinating theories have been advanced with the intention of
showing that civilisation was initiated upon American soil by Asiatic or
European influence. These speculations were for the most part put forward by
persons who possessed but a merely general acquaintance with the
circumstances of American aboriginal civilisation, and who were struck by
the superficial resemblances which undoubtedly exist between American and
Asiatic peoples, customs, and art-forms., but which cease to be apparent to
the Americanist, who perceives in them only such likenesses as inevitably
occur in the work of men situated in similar environments and surrounded by
similar social and religious conditions.
The Maya of Yucatan may be regarded as the most highly civilised of the
peoples who occupied the American continent before the advent of Europeans,
and it is usually their culture which we are asked to believe had its seat
of origin in Asia. It is unnecessary to refute this theory in detail, as
that has already been ably accomplished.[By Payne in The New World called
America, London 1892-99] But it may be remarked that the surest proof of the
purely native origin of American civilisation is to be found in the unique
nature of American art, the undoubted result of countless centuries of
isolation. American language, arithmetic, and methods of time-reckoning,
too, bear no resemblance to other systems, European or Asiatic, and we may
be certain that had a civilising race entered America from Asia it would
have left its indelible impress upon things so intensely associated with the
life of a people as well as upon the art and architecture of the country,
for they are as much the product of culture as is the ability to raise
temples.
Evidence of Animal and Plant Life
It is, impossible in this connection to ignore the evidence in favour of
native advancement which can be adduced from the artificial production of
food in America. Nearly all the domesticated animals and cultivated food-
plants found on the continent at the period of the discovery were totally
different from those known to the Old World. Maize, cocoa, tobacco, and the
potato, with a host of useful plants, were new to the European conquerors,
and the absence of such familiar animals as the horse, cow, and sheep,
besides a score of lesser animals, is eloquent proof of the prolonged
isolation which the American continent underwent subsequent to its original
settlement by man.
Origin of American Man
An Asiatic origin is, of course, admitted for the aborigines of America, but
it undoubtedly stretched back into that dim Tertiary Era when man was little
more than beast, and language as yet was not, or at the best was only half
formed. Later immigrants there certainly were, but these probably arrived by
way of Behring Strait, and not by the land-bridge connecting Asia and
America by which the first-comers found entrance. At a later geological
period the general level of the North American continent was higher than at
present., and a broad isthmus connected it with Asia. During this prolonged
elevation vast littoral plains, now submerged, extended continuously from
the American to the Asiatic shore, affording an easy route of migration to a
type of man from whom both the Mongolian branches may have sprung. But this
type, little removed from the animal as it undoubtedly was, carried with it
none of the refinements of art or civilisation; and if any resemblances
occur between the art-forms or polity of its equal descendants in Asia and
America, they are due to the influence of a remote common ancestry, and not
to any later influx of Asiatic civilisation to American shores.
Traditions of Intercourse with Asia
The few traditions of Asiatic intercourse with America are, alas! easily
dissipated. It is a dismal business to be compelled to refute the dreams of
others. How much more fascinating would American history have been had Asia
sowed the seeds of her own peculiar civilisation in the western continent,
which would then have become a newer and further East, a more glowing and
golden Orient I But America possesses a fascination almost as intense when
there falls to be considered the marvel of the evolution of her wondrous
civilisations-the flowers of progress of a new, of an isolated world.
The idea that the "Fu-Sang" of the Chinese annals alluded to America was
rendered illusory by Klaproth, who showed its identity with a Japanese
island. It is not impossible that Chinese and Japanese vessels may have
drifted on to the American coasts) but that they sailed thither of set
purpose is highly improbable. Gomara, the Mexican historian, states that
those who served with Coronado's expedition in 1542 saw off the Pacific
coast certain ships having their prows decorated with gold and silver, and
laden with merchandise, and these they supposed to be of Cathay or China,
"because they intimated by signs that they had been thirty days on their
voyage." Like most of these interesting stories, however, the tale has no
foundation in fact, as the incident cannot be discovered in the original
account of the expedition, published in 1838 in the travel-collection of
Ternaux-Compans.
Legends of European Intercourse
We shall find the traditions, one might almost call them legends, of early
European intercourse with America little more satisfactory than those which
recount its ancient connection with Asia. We may dismiss the sagas of the
discovery of America by the Norsemen, which are by no means mere tradition.,
and pass on to those in which the basis of fact is weaker and the legendary
interest more strong. We are told that when the Norsemen drove forth those
Irish monks who had settled in Iceland, the fugitives voyaged to
Great Ireland, by which many antiquarians of the older school imagine the
author of the myth to have meant America. The Irish Book of Lismore recounts
the voyage of St. Brandan, Abbot of Cluainfert, in Ireland, to an island in
the ocean which Providence had intended as the abode of saints. It gives a
glowing account of his seven years' cruise in western waters, and tells of
numerous discoveries, among them a hill of fire and an endless island, which
he quitted after an unavailing journey of forty days, loading his ships with
its fruits, and returning home. Many Norse legends exist regarding this
"Greater Ireland," or "Huitramanna Land" (White Man's Land), among them one
concerning a Norseman who was cast away on its shores, and who found there a
race of white men who went to worship their gods bearing banners, and
"shouting with a loud voice." There is, of course, the bare possibility that
the roving Norsemen may have on occasions drifted or have been cast away as
far south as Mexico, and such an occurrence becomes the more easy of belief
when we remember that they certainly reached the shores of North America.
The Legend of Madoc
A much more interesting because more probable story is that which tells of
the discovery of distant lands across the western ocean by Madoc, a
princeling of North Wales, in the year 1170. It is recorded in Hakluyt's
English Voyages and Powel's History of Wales. Madoc, the son of Owen
Gwyneth, disgusted by the strife of his brothers for the principality of
their dead father, resolved to quit such an uncongenial atmosphere, and,
fitting out ships with men and munition, sought adventure by sea, sailing
west, and leaving the coast of Ireland so far north that he came to a land
unknown, where he saw many strange things. "This land," says Hakluyt, " must
needs be some part of that country of which the Spaniards affirmc themselves
to be the first finders since Hanno's time, and through this allusion we are
enabled to see how these legends relating to mythical lands came to be
Associated with the American continent. Concerning the land discovered by
Madoc many tales were current in Wales in medićval times. Madoc on his
return declared that it was pleasant and fruitful, but uninhabited. He
succeeded in persuading a large number of people to accompany him to this
delectable region, and, as he never returned, Hakluyt concludes that the
descendants of the folk he took with him composed the greater part of the
population of the America of the seventeenth century, a conclusion in which
he has been supported by more than one modern antiquarian. Indeed, the
wildest fancies have been based upon this legend, and stories of Welsh-
speaking Indians who were able to converse with Cymric immigrants to the
American colonies have been received with complacency by the older school of
American historians as the strongest confirmation of the saga. It is
notable, however, that Henry VII of England, the son of a Welshman, may have
been influenced in his patronage of the early American explorers by this
legend of Madoc, as it is known that he employed one Guttyn Owen, a Welsh
historiographer, to draw up his paternal pedigree, and that this same Guttyn
included the story in his works. Such legends as those relating to Atlantis
and Antilia scarcely fall within the scope of American myth, as they
undoubtedly relate to early communication with the Canaries and Azores.
American Myths of the Discovery
But what were the speculations of the Red Men on the other side of the
Atlantic? Were there no rumours there, no legends of an Eastern world?
Immediately prior to the discovery there was in America a widely
disseminated belief that at a relatively remote period strangers from the
east had visited American soil, eventually returning to their own abodes in
the Land of Sunrise. Such, for example, was the Mexican legend of
Quetzalcoatl, to which we shall revert later in its more essentially
mythical connection. He landed with several companions at Vera Cruz, and
speedily brought to bear the power of a civilising agency upon native
opinion. In the ancient Mexican pinturas, or paintings, he is represented as
being habited in a long black gown, fringed with white crosses. After
sojourning with the Mexicans for a number of years, during which time he
initiated them into the arts of life and civilisation, he departed from
their land on a magic raft, promising, however, to return. His second advent
was anxiously looked for, and when Cortés and his companions arrived at Vera
Cruz, the identical spot at which Quetzalcoatl was supposed to have set out
on his homeward journey, the Mexicans fully believed him to be the returned
hero. Of course Montezuma, their monarch, was not altogether taken by
surprise at the coming of the white man, as he had been informed of the
arrival of mysterious strangers in Yucatan and elsewhere in Central America;
but in the eyes of the commonalty the Spanish leader was a "hero-god"
indeed. In this interesting figure several of the monkish chroniclers of New
Spain saw the Apostle St. Thomas, who had journeyed to the American
continent to effect its conversion to Christianity.
A Peruvian Prophecy
The Mexicans were by no means singular in their presentiments. When Hernando
de Soto, on landing in Peru, first met the Inca Huascar, the latter related
an ancient prophecy which his father, Huaina Ccapac, had repeated on his
death-bed, that in the reign of the thirteenth Inca white men of surpassing
strength and valour would come from their father the Sun, and subject the
Peruvians to their rule. "I command you," said the dying king," to yield
them homage and obedience, for they will be of a nature superior to ours."
[Garcilasso el Inca de la Vega, Hist. des Incas, lib. ix. cap. 15.]
But the most interesting of American legends connected with the discovery is
that in which the prophecy ot the Maya priest Chilan Balam is described.
Father Lizana, a venerable Spanish author, records the prophecy, which he
states was very well known throughout Yucatan, as does Villagutierre, who
quotes it.
The Prophecy of Chilan Balam
Part of this strange prophecy runs as follows: "At the end of the thirteenth
age, when Itza is at the height of its power, as also the city called
Tancah, the signal of God will appear on the heights, and the Cross with
which the world was enlightened will be manifested. There will be variance
of men's will in future times, when this signal shall be brought. . . .
Receive your barbarous bearded guests from the cast, who bring the signal of
God, who comes to us in mercy and pity. The time of our life is coming. . .
."
It would seem from the perusal of this prophecy that a genuine substratum of
native tradition has been overlaid and coloured by the influence of the
early Spanish missionaries. The terms of the announcement are much too
exact, and the language employed is obviously Scriptural. But the native
books of Chilan Balam, whence the prophecy is taken, are much less explicit,
and the genuineness of their character is evinced by the idiomatic use of
the Maya tongue, which, in the form they present it in, could have been
written by none save those who had habitually employed it from infancy. As
regards the prophetic nature of these deliverances it is known that the
Chilan, or priest, was wont to utter publicly at the end of certain
prolonged periods a prophecy forecasting the character of the similar period
to come, and there is reason to believe that some distant rumours of the
coming of the white man had reached the ears of several of the seers.
These vague intimations that the seas separated them from a great continent
where dwelt beings like themselves seem to have been common to white and red
men alike. And who shall say by what strange magic of telepathy they were
inspired in the minds of the daring explorers and the ascetic priests who
gave expression to them in act and utterance? The discovery of America was
much more than a mere scientific process, and romance rather than the cold
speculations of medićval geography urged men to tempt the dim seas of the
West in quest of golden islands seen in dreams.
The Type of Mexican Civilisation
The first civilised American people with whom the discoverers came into
contact were those of the Nahua or ancient Mexican race. We use the term
"civilised" advisedly, for although several authorities of standing have
refused to regard the Mexicans as a people who had achieved such a state of
culture as would entitle them to be classed among civilised communities,
there is no doubt that they had advanced nearly as far as it was possible
for them to proceed when their environment and the nature of the
circumstances which handicapped them are taken into consideration. In
architecture they had evolved a type of building, solid yet wonderfully
graceful, which, if not so massive as the Egyptian and Assyrian, was yet
more highly decorative. Their artistic outlook as expressed in their
painting and pottery was more versatile and less conventional than that of
the ancient people of the Orient, their social system was of a more advanced
type, and a less rigorous attitude was evinced by the ruling caste toward
the subject classes. Yet, on the other hand, the picture is darkened by the
terrible if picturesque rites which attended their religious ceremonies, and
the dread shadow of human sacrifice which eternally overhung their teeming
populations. Nevertheless, the standard of morality was high, justice was
even-handed, the forms of government were comparatively mild, and but for
the fanaticism which demanded such troops of victims, we might justly
compare the civilisation of ancient Mexico with that of the peoples of old
China or India, if the literary activity of the Oriental states be
discounted.
The Mexican Race
The race which was responsible for this varied and highly coloured
civilisation was that known as the Nahua (Those who live by Rule), a title
adopted by them to distinguish them from those tribes who still roamed in an
unsettled condition over the contiguous plains of New Mexico and the more
northerly tracts. This term was employed by them to designate the race as a
whole, but it was composed of many diverse elements, the characteristics of
which were rendered still more various by the adoption into one or other of
the tribes which composed it of surrounding aboriginal peoples. Much
controversy has raged round the question regarding the original home of the
Nahua, but their migration legends consistently point to a northern origin;
and when the close affinity between the art-forms and mythology of the
present-day natives of British Columbia and those of the Nahua comes to be
considered along with the very persistent legends of a prolonged pilgrimage
from the North, where they dwelt in a place "by the water," the conclusion
that the Nahua emanated from the region indicated is well-nigh irresistible.
[See Payne, History of the New World called America, vol. ii. pp 373 et
seq.]
In Nahua tradition the name of the locality whence the race commenced its
wanderings is called Aztlan (The Place of Reeds), but this place-name is of
little or no value as a guide to any given region, though probably every
spot betwixt Behring Strait and Mexico has been identified with it by
zealous antiquarians. Other names discovered in the migration legends are
Tlapallan (The Country of Bright Colours) and Chicomoztoc (The Seven Caves),
and these may perhaps be identified with New Mexico or Arizona.
Legends of Mexican Migration
All early writers on the history of Mexico agree that the Toltecs were the
first of the several swarms of Nahua who streamed upon the Mexican plateau
in ever-widcning waves. Concerning the reality of this people so little is
known that many authorities of standina have regarded them as wholly
mythical, while others profess to see in them a veritable race, the founders
of Mexican civilisation. The author has already elaborated his theory of
this difficult question elsewhere,' but will briefly refer to it when he
comes to deal with the subject of the Toltec civilisation and the legends
concerning it. For the present we must regard the Toltecs merely as a race
alluded to in a migration myth as the first Nahua immigrants to the region
of Mexico. Ixtlilxochitl, a native chronicler who flourished shortly after
the Spanish conquest of Mexico, gives two separate accounts of the early
Toltec migrations, the first of which goes back to the period of their
arrival in the fabled land of Tlapallan, alluded to above. In this account
Tlapallan is described as a region near the sea, which the Toltecs reached
by voyaging southward, skirting the coasts of California.
This account must be received with the greatest caution. But we know that
the natives of British Columbia have been expert in the use of the canoe
from an early period, and that the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, who is probably
originally derived from a common source with their deity Yed, is represented
as being skilled in the management of the craft. It is, therefore, not
outside the bounds of possibility that the early swarms of Nahua immigrants
made their way to Mexico by sea, but it is much more probable that their
migrations took place by land, following the level country at the base of
the Rocky Mountains.
The Toltec Upheaval
Like nearly all legendary immigrants, the Toltecs did not set out to
colonise distant countries from any impulse of their own, but were the
victims of internecine dissension in the homeland, and were expelled from
the community to seek their fortunes elsewhere. Thus thrust forth, they set
their faces southward, and reached Tlapallan in the year 1 Tecpatl (A.D.
387). Passing the country of Xalisco, they effected a landing at Huatulco,
and journeyed down the coast until they reached Tochtepec, whence they
pushed inland to Tollantzinco. To enable them to make this journey they
required no less than 104 years. Ixtlilxochitl furnishes another account of
the Toltec migration in his Relaciones, a work dealing with the early
history of the Mexican races. In this he recounts how the chiefs of
Tlapallan, who had revolted against the royal power, were banished from that
region inA. D. 439. Lingering near their ancient territory for the space of
eight years, they then journeyed to Tlapallantzinco, where they halted for
three years before setting out on a prolonged pilgrimage, which occupied the
tribe for over a century, and in the course of which it halted at no less
than thirteen different resting-places, six of which can be traced to
stations on the Pacific coast, and the remainder to localities in the north
of Mexico.
Artificial Nature of the Migration Myths
It is plain from internal evidence that these two legends of the Toltec
migrations present an artificial aspect. But if we cannot credit them in
detail, that is not to say that they do not describe in part an actual
pilgrimage. They are specimens of numerous migration myths which are related
concerning the various branches of the Mexican races. Few features of
interest are presented in them, and they are chiefly remarkable for
wearisome repetition and divergence in essential details.
Myths of the Toltecs
But we enter a much more fascinating domain when we come to peruse the myths
regarding the Toltec kingdom and civilisation, for, before entering upon the
origin or veritable history of the Toltec race, it will be better to
consider the native legends concerning them. These exhibit an almost
Oriental exuberance of imagination and colouring, and forcibly remind the
reader of the gorgeous architectural and scenic descriptions in the 4rabian
Nights. The principal sources of these legends are the histories of
Zumarraga and Ixtlilxochitl. The latter is by no means a satisfactory
authority, but he has succeeded in investing the traditions of his native
land with no inconsiderable degree of charm. The Toltecs, he says, founded
the magnificent city of Tollan in the year 566 of the Incarnation. This
city, the site of which is now occupied by the modern town of Tula, was
situated north-west of the mountains which bound the Mexican valley. Thither
were the Toltecs guided by the powerful necromancet Hueymatzin (Great Hand),
and under his direction they decided to build a city upon the site of what
bad been their place of bivouac. For six years they toiled at the building
of Tollan, and magnificent edifices, palaces, and temples arose, the whole
forming a capital of a splendour unparalleled in the New World. The valley
wherein it stood was known as the "Place of Fruits," in allusion to its
great fertility. The surrounding rivers teemed with fish, and the hills
which encircled this delectable site sheltered large herds of game. But as
yet the Toltecs were without a ruler, and in the seventh year of their
occupation of the city the assembled chieftains took counsel together, and
resolved to surrender their power into the hands of a monarch whom the
people might elect. The choice fell upon Chalchiuh Tlatonac (Shining
Precious Stone), who reigned for fifty-two years.
Legends of Toltec Artistry
Happily settled in their new country, and ruled over by a king whom they
could regard with reverence, the Toltecs made rapid progress in the various
arts, and their city began to be celebrated far and wide for the excellence
of its craftsmen and the beauty of its architecture and pottery. The name of
"Toltec," in fact, came to be regarded by the surrounding peoples as
synonymous with "artist," and as a kind of hall-mark which guaranteed the
superiority of any article of Toltec workmanship. Everything in and about
the city was eloquent of the taste and artistry of its founders. The very
walls were encrusted with rare stones, and their masonry was so beautifully
chiselled and laid as to resemble the choicest mosaic. One of the edifices
of which the inhabitants of Tollan were most justly proud was the temple
wherein their high-priest officiated. This building was a very gem of
architectural art and mural decoration. It contained four apartments. The
walls of the first were inlaid with gold, the second with precious stones of
every description, the third with beautiful sea-shells of all conceivable
hues and of the most brilliant and tender shades encrusted in bricks of
silver, which sparkled in the sun in such a manner as to dazzle the eyes of
beholders. The fourth apartment was formed of a brilliant red stone,
ornamented with shells.
The House of Feathers
Still more fantastic and weirdly beautiful was another edifice, "The House
of Feathers." This also possessed four apartments, one decorated with
feathers of a brilliant yellow, another with the radiant and sparkling hues
of the Blue Bird. These were woven into a kind of tapestry, and placed
against the walls in graceful hangings and festoons. An apartment described
as of entrancing beauty was that in which the decorative scheme consisted of
plumage of the purest and most dazzling white. The remaining chamber was
hung with feathers of a brilliant red, plucked from the most beautiful
birds.
Huemac the Wicked
A succession of more or less able kings succeeded the founder of the Toltec
monarchy, until in A.D. 994 Huemac II ascended the throne of Tollan. He
ruled first with wisdom, and paid great attention to the duties of the state
and religion. But later he fell from the high place he had made for himself
in the regard of the people by his faithless deception of them and his
intemperate and licentious habits. The provinces rose in revolt, and many
signs and gloomy omens foretold the downfall of the city. Toveyo, a cunning
sorcerer, Collected a great concourse of people near Tollan, and by dint of
beating upon a magic drum until the darkest hours of the night, forced them
to dance to its sound until, exhausted by their efforts, they fell headlong
over a dizzy precipice into a deep ravine, where they were turned into
stone. Toveyo also maliciously destroyed a stone bridge, so that thousands
of people fell into the river beneath and were drowned. The neighbouring
volcanoes burst into eruption, presenting a frightful aspect, and grisly
apparitions could be seen among the flames threatening the city with
terrible gestures of menace.
The rulers of Tollan resolved to lose no time in placating the gods, whom
they decided from the portents must have conceived the most violent wrath
against their capital. They therefore ordained a reat sacrifice of war-
captives. But upon the first orthe victims being placed upon the altar a
still more terrible catastrophe occurred. In the method of sacrifice common
to the Nahua race the breast of a youth was opened for the purpose of
extracting the heart, but no such organ could the officiating priest
perceive. Moreover the veins of the victim were bloodless. Such a deadly
odour was exhaled from the corpse that a terrible pestilence arose, which
caused the death of thousands of Toltecs. Huemac, the unrighteous monarch
who had brought all this suffering upon his folk, was confronted in the
forest by the Tlalocs, or gods of moisture, and humbly petitioned these
deities to spare him, and not to take from him his wealth and rank. But the
go,is were disgusted at the callous selfishness displayed in his desires,
and departed, threatening the Toltec race with six years of plagues.
The Plagues of the Toltecs
In the next winter such a severe frost visited the land that all crops and
plants were killed. A summer of torrid heat followed, so intense in its
suffocating fierceness that the streams, were dried up and the very rocks
were melted. Then heavy rain-storms descended, which flooded the streets and
ways, and terrible tempests swept through the land. Vast numbers of
loathsome toads invaded the valley, consuming the refuse left by the
destructive frost and heat, and entering the very houses of the people. In
the following year a terrible drought caused the death of thousands from
starvation, and the ensuing winter was again a marvel of severity. Locusts
descended in cloud-like swarms, and hail- and thunder-storms completed the
wreck. During these visitations nine-tenths of the people perished, and all
artistic endeavour ceased because of the awful struggle for food.
King Acxitl
With the cessation of these inflictions the wicked Huemac resolved upon a
more upright course of life, and became most assiduous for the welfare and
proper government of his people. But he had announced that Acxitl, his
illegitimate son, should succeed him, and had further resolved to abdicate
at once in favour of this youth. With the Toltecs, as with most primitive
peoples, the early kings were regarded as divine, and the attempt to place
on the throne one who was not of the royal blood was looked upon as a
serious offence against the gods. A revolt ensued, but its two principal
leaders were bought over by promises of preferment. Acxitl ascended the
throne, and for a time ruled wisely. But he soon, like his father, gave way
to a life of dissipation, and succeeded in setting a bad example to the
members of his court and to the priesthood, the vicious spirit communicating
itself to all classes of his subjects and permeating every rank of society.
The iniquities of the people of the capital and the enormities practised by
the royal favourites caused such scandal in the outlying provinces that at
length they broke into open revolt, and Huehuetzin, chief of an eastern
viceroyalty, joined to himself two other malcontent lords and marched upon
the city of Tollan at the head of a strong force. Acxitl could not muster an
army sufficiently powerful to repel the rebels, and was forced to resort to
the expedient of buying them off with rich presents, thus patching up a
truce. But the fate of Tollan was in the balance. Hordes of rude Chichimec
savages, profiting by the civil broils in the Toltec state, invaded the lake
region of Anahuac, or Mexico, and settled upon its fruitful soil. The end
was in sight!
A Terrible Visitation
The wrath of the gods increased instead of diminishing, and in order to
appease them a great convention of the wise men of the realm met at
Teotihuacan, the sacred city of the Toltecs. But during their deliberations
a giant of immense proportions rushed into their midst, and, seizing upon
them by scores with his bony hands, hurled them to the ground, dashing their
brains out. In this manner he slew great numbers, and when the panic-
stricken folk imagined themselves delivered from him he returned in a
different guise and slew many more. Again the grisly monster appeared, this
time taking the form of a beautiful child. The people, fascinated by its
loveliness, ran to observe it more closely, only to discover that its head
was a mass of corruption, the stench from which was so is fatal that many
were killed outright. The fiend who had thus plagued the Toltecs at length
deigned to inform them that the gods would listen no longer to their
prayers, but had fully resolved to destroy them root and branch, and he
further counselled them to seek safety in flight.
Fall of the Toltec State
By this time the principal families of Tollan had deserted the country,
taking refuge in neighbouring states. Once more Huehuetzin menaced Tollan,
and by dint of almost superhuman efforts old King Huemac, who had left his
retirement, raised a force sufficient to face the enemy. Acxitl's mother
enlisted the services of the women of the city, and formed them into a
regiment of Amazons. At the head of all was Acxitl, who divided his forces,
despatching one portion to the front under his commander-in-chief, and
forming the other into a reserve under his own leadership. During three
years the king defended Tollan against the combined forces of the rebels and
the semi-savage Chichimecs. At length the Toltecs, almost decimated, fled
after a final desperate battle into the marshes of Lake Tezcuco and the
fastnesses of the mountains. Their other cities were given over to
destruction, and the Toltec empire was at an end.
The Chichimec Exodus
Meanwhile the rude Chichimecs of the north, who had for many years carried
on a constant warfare with the Toltecs, were surprised that their enemies
sought their borders no more, a practice which they had engaged in
principally for the purpose of obtaining captives for sacrifice. In order to
discover the reason for this suspicious quiet they sent out spies into
Toltec territory, who returned with the amazing news that the Toltec domain
for a distance of six hundred miles from the Chichimec frontier was a
desert, the towns ruined and empty and their inhabitants scattered. Xolotl,
the Chichimec king, summoned his chieftains to his capital, and, acquainting
them with what the spies had said) proposed an expedition for the purpose of
annexing the abandoned land. No less than 3,202,000 people composed this
migration, and only 1,6oo,ooo remained in the Chichimec territory.
The Chichimecs occupied most of the ruined cities, many of which they
rebuilt. Those Toltecs who remained became peaceful subjects, and through
their knowledge of commerce and handicrafts amassed considerable wealth. A
tribute was, however, demanded from them, which was peremptorily refused by
Nauhyotl, the Toltec ruler of Colhuacan; but he was defeated and slain, and
the Chichimec rule was at last supreme.
The Disappearance of the Toltecs
The transmitters of this legendary account give it as their belief which is
shared by some authorities of standing, that the Toltecs, fleein-a from the
civil broils of their city and the inroads of the Chichimecs, passed into
Central America, where they became the founders of the civilisation of that
country, and the architects of the many wonderful cities the ruins of which
now litter its plains and are encountered in its forests. But it is time
that we examined the claims put forward on behalf of Toltec civilisation and
culture by the aid of more scientific methods.
Did the Toltecs Exist?
Some authorities have questioned the existence of the Toltecs, and have
professed to see in them a race which had merely a mythical significance.
They base this theory upon the circumstance that the duration of the reigns
of the several Toltec monarchs is very frequently stated to have lasted for
exactly fifty-two years, the duration of the great Mexican cycle of years
which had been adopted so that the ritual calendar might coincide with the
solar year. The circumstance is certainly suspicious, as is the fact that
many of the names of the Toltec monarchs are also those of the principal
Nahua deities, and this renders the whole dynastic list of very doubtful
value. Dr. Brinton recognised in the Toltecs those children of the sun who,
like their brethren in Peruvian mythology, were sent from heaven to civilise
the human race, and his theory is by no means weakened by the circumstance
that Quetzalcoatl, a deity of solar significance, is alluded to in Nahua
myth as King of the Toltecs. Recent considerations and discoveries, however,
have virtually forced students of the subject to admit the existence of the
Toltecs as a race. The author has dealt with the question at some length
elsewhere, [see Civilization of Ancient Mexico, chap ii] and is not of those
who are free to admit the definite existence of the Toltecs from a
historical point of view. The late Mr. Payne of Oxford, an authority
entitled to every respect, gave it as his opinion that " the accounts of
Toltec history current at the conquest contain a nucleus of substantial
truth, and he writes convincingly: "To doubt that there once existed in
Tollan an advancement superior to that which prevailed among the Nahuatlaca
generally at the conquest, and that its people spread their advancement
throughout Anahuac, and into the districts eastward and southward, would be
to reject a belief universally entertained, and confirmed rather than shaken
by the cfforts made in later times to construct for the Pueblo something in
the nature of a history." [Payne, Hist. New World, vol ii. p. 430]
A Persistent Tradition
The theory of the present author concerning Toltec historical existence is
rather more non-committal. He admits that a most persistent body of
tradition as to their existence gained general credence among the Nahua, and
that the date (1055) of their alleged dispersal admits of the approximate
exactness and probability of this body of tradition at the time of the
conquest. He also admits that the site of Tollan contains ruins which arc
undoubtedly of a date earlier than that of the architecture of the Nahua as
known at the conquest, and that numerous evidences of an older civilisation
exist. He also believes that the early Nahua having within their racial
recollection existed as savages, the time which elapsed between their
barbarian condition and the more advanced state which they achieved was too
brief to admit of evolution from savagery to culture. Hence they must have
adopted an older civilisation, especially as through the veneer of
civilisation possessed by them they exhibited every sign of gross barbarism.
A Nameless People
If this be true it would go to show that a people of comparatively high
culture existed at a not very remote period on the Mexican tableland. But
what their name was or their racial affinity the writer does not profess to
know. Many modern American scholars of note have conferred upon them the
name of "Toltecs," and speak freely of the "Toltec period" and of "Toltec
art." It may appear pedantic to refuse to recognisc that the cultured people
who dwelt in Mexico in pre-Nahua times were "the Toltecs." But in the face
of the absence of genuine and authoritative native written records dealing
with the question, the author finds himself compelled to remain unconvinced
as to the exact designation of the mysterious older race which preceded the
Nahua. There are not wanting authorities who appear to regard the pictorial
chronicles of the Nahua as quite as worthy of credence as written records,
but it must be clear that tradition or even history set down in pictorial
form can never possess that degree of definiteness contained in a written
account.
Toltec Art
As has been stated above, the Toltecs of tradition were chiefly remarkable
for their intense love of art and their productions in its various branches.
Ixtlilxochitl says that they worked in gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead,
and as masons employed flint, porphyry, basalt, and obsidian. In the
manufacture of jewellery and objets d'art they excelled, and the pottery of
Cholula, of which specimens are frequently recovered, was of a high
standard.
Other Aboriginal Peoples
Mexico contained other aboriginal races besides the Toltecs. Of these many
and diverse peoples the most remarkable were the Otomi, who still occupy
Guanajuato and Queretaro, and who, before the coming of the Nahua, probably
spread over the entire valley of Mexico. In the south we find the Huasteca,
a people speaking the same language as the Maya of Central America, and on
the Mexican Gulf the Totonacs and Chontals. On the Pacific side of the
country the Mixteca and Zapoteca, were responsible for a flourishing
civilisation which exhibited many original characteristics, and which in
some degree was a link between the cultures of Mexico and Central America.
Traces of a still older population than any of these are still to be found
in the more remote parts of Mexico, and the Mixe, Zaque, Kuicatec, and
Popolcan are probably the remnants of prehistoric races of vast antiquity.
The Cliff-dwellers
It is probable that a race known as "the Cliff. dwellers," occupying the
plateau country of Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah, and even
extending in its ramifications to Mexico itself, was related ethnologically
to the Nahua. The present-day Pueblo Indians dwelling to the north of Mexico
most probably possess a leaven of Nahua blood. Ere the tribes who
communicated this leaven to thewhole had intermingled with others, of
various origin, it would appear that they occupied' with others those tracts
of country now inhabited by the Pueblo Indians, and in the natural recesses
and shallow caverns found in the faces of the cliffs erected dwellings and
fortifications, displaying an architectural ability of no mean order. These
communities extended as far south as the Gila river, the most southern
affluent of the Colorado, and the remains they have left there appear to be
of a later date architecturally than those situated farther north. These
were found in ruins by the first Spanish explorers, and it is thought that
their builders were eventually driven back to rejoin their kindred in the
north. Fartner to the south in the caflons of the Piedras Verdes river in
Chihuahua., Mexico, are cliff-dwellings corresponding in many respects with
those of the Pueblo region, and Dr. Hrdlicka has examined others so far
south as the State of Jalisco, in Central Mexico. These may be the ruins of
dwellings erected either by the early Nahua or by some of the peoples
relatively aboriginal to them, and may display the architectural features
general among the Nahua prior to their adoption of other alien forms. Or
else they may be the remains of dwellings similar to those of the
Tarahumare, a still existing tribe of Mexico, who, according to Lumholtz,
[Unknown Mexico, vol. i., 1902; also see Bulletin 30, Bureau of American
Ethnology, p. 309] inhabit similar structures at the present day. It is
clear from the architectural development of the cliff-dwellers that their
civilisation developed generally from south to north, that this race was
cognate to the early Nahua, and that it later withdrew to the north, or
became fused with the general body of the Nahua peoples. It must not be
understood, however, that the race arrived in the Mexican plateau before the
Nahua, and the ruins of Jalisco and other mid-Mexican districts may merely
be the remains of comparatively modern cliff-dwellings, an adaptation by
mid-Mexican communities of the "Cliff-dweller" architecture, or a local
development of it owing to the exigencies of early life in the district.
The Nahua Race
The Nahua peoples included all those tribes speaking the Nahuatlatolli
(Nahua tongue), and occupied a sphere extending from the southern borders of
New Mexico to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec on the south, or very much within
the limits of the modern Republic ot Mexico. But this people must not be
regarded as one race of homogeneous origin. A very brief account of their
racial affinities must be sufficient here. The Chichimecs were probably
related to the Otomi, whom we have alluded to as among the first-comers to
the Mexican valley. They were traditionally supposed to have entered it at a
period subsequent to the Toltec occupation. Their chief towns were Tezcuco
and Tena, yucan, but they later allied themselves with the Nahua in a great
confederacy, and adopted the Nahua language. There are circumstances which
justify the assumption that on their entrance to the Mexican valley they
consisted of a number of tribes loosely united, presenting in their general
organisation a close resemblance to some of the composite tribes of modern
American Indians.
The Aculhuaque
Next to them in point of order of tribal arrival were the
Aculhuaque,orAcolhuans. The name means "tall" or strong" men, literally
"People of the Broad Shoulder," or "Pushers," who made a way for themselves.
Gomara states in his Conquista de Mexico that they arrived in the valley
from Acolhuacan about A.D. 780, and founded the towns of Tollan, Colhuacan,
and Mexico itself. The Acolhuans were pure Nahua, and may well have been the
much-disputed Toltecs, for the Nahua people always insisted on the fact that
the Toltecs were of the same stock as themselves, and spoke an older and
purer form of the Nahua tongue. From the Acolhuans sprang the Tlascalans,
the inveterate enemies of the Aztecs, who so heartily assisted Cortés in his
invasion of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan, or Mexico.
The Tecpanecs
The Tecpanecs were a confederacy of purely Nahua tribes dwelling in towns
situated upon the Lake of Tezcuco, the principal of which were Tlacopan and
Azcapozalco. The name Tecpanec signifies that each settlement possessed its
own chief's house, or tecpan. This tribe were almost certainly later Nahua
immigrants who arrived in Mexico after the Acolhuans, and were great rivals
to the Chichimec branch of the race.
The Aztecs
The Aztecâ or Aztecs, were a nomad tribe of doubtful origin, but probably of
Nahua blood. Wandering over the Mexican plateau for generations, they at
length settled in the marshlands near the Lake of Tezcuco, hard by Tlacopan.
The name Aztecâ means " Crane People," and was bestowed upon the tribe by
the Tecpanecs, probably because of the fact that, like cranes, they dwelt in
a marshy neighbourhood. They founded the town of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico,
and for a while paid tribute to the Tecpanecs. But later they became the
most powerful allies of that people, whom they finally surpassed entirely in
power and splendour.
The Aztec Character
The features of the Aztecs as represented in the various Mexican paintings
are typically Indian, and argue a northern origin. The race was, and is, of
average height, and the skin is of a dark brown hue. The Mexican is grave,
taciturn, and melancholic, with a deeply rooted love of the mysterious, slow
to anger, yet almost inhuman in the violence of his passions when aroused.
He is usually gifted with a logical mind, quickness of apprehension, and an
ability to regard the subtle side of things with great nicety. Patient and
imitative, the ancient Mexican excelled in those arts which demanded such
qualities in their execution. He had a real affection for the beautiful in
nature and a passion for flowers, but the Aztec music lacked gaiety, and the
national amusements were too often of a gloomy and ferocious character. The
women are more vivacious than the men, but were in the days before the
conquest very subservient to the wills of their husbands. We have already
very briefly outlined the trend of Nahua civilisation, but it will be
advisable to examine it a little more closely, for if the myths of this
people are to be understood some knowledge of its life -and general culture
is essential.
Legends of the Foundation of Mexico
At the period of the conquest of Mexico by Cortés the city presented an
imposing appearance. Led to its neighbourhood by Huitzilopochtli, a
traditional chief, afterwards deified as the god of war, there are several
legends which account for the choice of its site by the Mexicans. The most
popular of these relates how the nomadic Nahua beheld perched upon a cactus
plant an eaale of Lreat size and majesty, grasping in its talons a huge
serpent, and spreading its wings to catch the rays of the rising sun. The
soothsayers or medicine-men of the tribe, readina a zood omen in the
spectacle, advised the leaders of the-people to settle on the spot, and,
hearkening to the voice of what they considered divine authority, they
proceeded to drive piles into the marshy ground, and thus laid the
foundation of the great city of Mexico.
An elaboration of this legend tells how the Aztecs had about the year 1325
sought refuge upon the western shore of the Lake of Tezcuco, in an island
aniong the marshes on which they found a stone on which forty years before
one of their priests had sacrificed a prince of the name of Copal, whom they
had made prisoner. A nopal plant [cactus] had sprung from an earth-filled
crevice in this rude altar, and upon this the royal eagle alluded to in the
former account had alighted, grasping the serpent in his talons. Beholding
in this a good omen, and urged by a supernatural impulse which he could not
explain, a priest of high rank dived into a pool close at hand, where he
found himself face to face with Tlaloc, the god of waters. After an
interview with the deity the priest obtained permission from him to found a
city on the site, from the humble beginnings of which arose the metropolis
of Mexico-Tenochtitlan.
Mexico at the Conquest
At the period of the conquest the city of Mexico had a circumference of no
less than twelve miles, or nearly that of modern Berlin without its suburbs.
It contained 60,000 houses, and its inhabitants were computed to number
300,000. Many other towns, most of them nearly half as large, were grouped
on the islands or on the margin orLake Tezcuco, so that the population of
what might almost be called "Greater Mexico" must have amounted to several
millions. The city was intersected by four great roadways or avenues built
at right angles to one another, and laid four-square with the cardinal
points. Situated as it was in the midst of a lake, it was traversed by
numerous canals, which were used as thoroughfares for traffic. The four
principal ways described above were extended across the lake as dykes or
viaducts until they met its shores. The dwellings of the poorer classes were
chiefly composed of adobes, but those of the nobility were built of a red
porous stone quarried close by. They were usually of one story only, but
occupied a goodly piece of ground and had flat roofs, many of which were
covered with flowers. In general they were coated with a hard, white cement,
which gave them an added resemblance to the Oriental type of building.
Towering high among these, and a little apart from the vast squares and
market-places, were the teocallis, or temples. These were in reality not
temples or covered-in buildings, but "high places," great pyramids of stone,
built platform on platform, around which a staircase led to the summit, on
which was usually erected a small shrine containing the tutelar deity to
whom the teocalli had been raised. The great temple of Huitzilopochtli, the
war-god, built by King Ahuizotl, was, besides being typical of all, by far
the greatest of these votive piles. The enclosing walls of the building were
4,800 feet in circumference, and strikingly decorated by carvings
representing festoons of intertwined reptiles, from which circumstance they
were called coetpantli (walls of serpents). A kind of gate-house on each
side gave access to the enclosure. The teocalli, or great temple, inside the
court was in the shape of a parallelogram, measuring 375 feet by 300 feet,
and was built in six platforms, growing smaller in area as they descended.
The mass of this structure was composed of a mixture of rubble, clay, and
earth, covered with carefully worked stone slabs, cemented together with
infinite care, and coated with a hard gypsum. A flight Of 340 steps circled
round the terraces and led to the upper platform, on which were raised two
three-storied towers 56 feet in height, in which stood the great statues of
the tutelar deities and the jasper stones of sacrifice. These sanctuaries,
say the old Conquistadores who entered them, had the appearance and odour of
shambles, and human blood was bespattered every. where. In this weird chapel
of horrors burned a fire the extinction of which it was supposed would have
brought about the end of the Nahua power. It was tended with a care as
scrupulous as that with which the Roman Vestals guarded their sacred flame.
No less than 600 of these sacred braziers were kept alight in the city of
Mexico alone.
A Pyramid of Skulls
The principal fane of Huitzilopochtli was surrounded by upwards of forty
inferior teocallis and shrines. In the Tzompantli (Pyramid of Skulls) were
collected the grisly relics of the countless victims to the implacable war-
god of the Aztecs, and in this horrid structure the Spanish conquerors
counted no less than 136,000 human skulls. In the court or teopan which
surrounded the temple were the dwellings of thousands of priests, whose
duties included the scrupulous care of the temple precincts, and whose
labours were minutely apportioned.
Nahua Architecture and Ruins
As we shall see later, Mexico is by no means so rich in architectural
antiquities as Guatemala or Yucatan, the reason being that the growth of
tropical forests has to a areat extent protected ancient stone edifices in
the latter countries from destruction. The ruins discovered in the northern
regions of the republic are of a ruder type than those which approach more
nearly to the sphere of Maya influence, as, for example, those of Mitla,
built by the Zapotecs, which exhibit such unmistakable signs of Maya
influence that we prefer to describe them when dealing with the antiquities
of that people.
Cyclopean Remains
In the mountains of Chihuahua, one of the most northerly provinces, is a
celebrated group called the Casas Grandes (Large Houses), the walls of which
are still about 30 feet in height. These approximate in general appearance
to the buildings of more modern tribes in New Mexico and Arizona, and may be
referred to such peoples rather than to the Nahua. At Quemada, in Zacatecas,
massive ruins of Cyclopean appearance have been discovered. These consist of
extensive terraces and broad stone causeways, teocallis which have weathered
many centuries, and gigantic pillars, 18 feet in height and 17 feet in
circumference. Walls 12 feet in thickness rise above the heaps of rubbish
which litter the ground. These remains exhibit little connection with Nahua
architecture to the north or south of them. They are more massive than
either, and must have been constructed by some race which had made
considerable strides in the art of building.
Teotihuacan
In the district of the Totonacs, to the north of Vera Cruz, we find many
architectural remains of a highly interesting character. Here the teocalli
or pyramidal type of building is occasionally crowned by a coveredin temple
with the massive roof characteristic of Maya architecture. The most striking
examples found in this region are the remains of Teotihuacan and Xochicalco.
The former was the religious Mecca of the Nahua races, and in its proximity
are still to be seen the teocallis of the sun and moon, surrounded by
extensive burying-grounds where the devout of Anahuac were laid in the sure
hope that if interred they would find entrance into the paradise of the sun.
The teocalli of the moon has a base covering 426 feet and a height Of 137
feet. That of the sun is of greater dimensions, with a base Of 735 feet and
a height Of 203 feet. These pyramids were divided into four stories, three
of which remain. On the summit of that of the sun stood a temple containing
a great image of that luminary carved from a rough block of stone. In the
breast was inlaid a star of the purest gold, seized afterwards as loot by
the insatiable followers of Cortés. From the teocalli of the moon a path
runs to where a little rivulet flanks the "Citadel." This path is known as
"The Path of the Dead," from the circumstance that it is surrounded by some
nine square miles of tombs and tumuli, and., indeed, forms a road through
the great cemetery. The Citadel, thinks Charnay, was a vast tennis or
tlachtli court, where thousands flocked to gaze at the national sport of the
Nahua with a zest equal to that of the modern devotees of football.
Teotihuacan was a flourishing centre contemporary with Tollan. It was
destroyed, but was rebuilt by the Chichimec king Xolotll and preserved
thenceforth its traditional sway as the focus of the Nahua national
religion. Charnay identifies the architectural types discovered there with
those of Tollan. The result of his labours in the vicinity included the
unearthing of richly decorated pottery, vases, masks, and terra-cotta
figures. He also excavated several large houses or palaces, some with
chambers more than 730 feet in circumference, with walls over 7˝ feet thick,
into which were built rings and slabs to support torches and candles. The
floors were tessellated in various rich designs, "like an Aubusson carpet."
Charnay concluded that the monuments of Teotihuacan were partly standing at
the time of the conquest.
The Hill of Flowers
Near Tezcuco is Xochicalco (The Hill of Flowers), a teocalli the sculpture
of which is both beautiful and luxuriant in design. The porphyry quarries
from which the great blocks, 12 feet in length, were cut lie many miles
away. As late as 1755 the structure towered to a height of five stories, but
the vandal has done his work only too well, and a few fragmentary carvings
of exquisite design are all that to-day remain of one of Mexico's most
magnificent pyramids.
Tollan
We have already indicated that on the site of the "Toltec" city of Tollan
ruins have been discovered which prove that it was the centre of a
civilisation of a type distinctly advanced. Charnay unearthed there gigantic
fragments of caryatides, each some 7 feet high. He also found columns of two
pieces, which were fitted together by means of mortise and tenon, bas-
reliefs of archaic figures of undoubted Nahua type, and many fragments of
great antiquity. On the hill of Palpan, above Tollan, he found the ground-
plans of several houses with numerous apartments, frescoed, columned, and
having benches and cisterns recalling the impluvium of a Roman villa. Water-
pipes were also actually unearthed, and a wealth of pottery, many pieces of
which were like old Japanese china. The ground-plan or foundations of the
houses unearthed at Palpan showed that they had been designed by practical
architects, and had not been built in any merely haphazard fashion. The
cement which covered the walls and floors was of excellent quality, and
recalled that discovered in ancient Italian excavations. The roofs had been
of wood, supported by pillars.
Picture-Writing
The Aztecs, and indeed the entire Nahua race., employed a system of writing
of the type scientifically described as "pictographic," in which events,
persons, and ideas were recorded by means of drawings and coloured sketches.
These were executed on paper made from the agave plant, or were painted on
the skins of animals. By these means not only history and the principles of
the Nahua mythology were communicated from generation to generation, but the
transactions of daily life, the accountings of merchants, and the purchase
and ownership of land were placed on record. That a phonetic system was
rapidly being approached is manifest from the method by which the Nahua
scribes depicted the names of individuals or cities. These were represented
by means of several objects, the names of which resembled that of the person
for which they stood. The name of King Ixcoatl, for example, is represented
by the drawing of a serpent (coatl) pierced by flint knives (iztli), and
that of Motequauhzoma (Montezuma) by a mouse-trap (montli), an eagle
(quauhtli), a lancet (zo), and a hand (maitl). The phonetic values employed
by the scribes varied exceedingly, so that at times an entire syllable would
be expressed by the painting of an object the name of which commenced with
it. At other times only a letter would be represented by the same drawing.
But the general intention of the scribes was undoubtedly more ideographic
than phonetic; that is, they desired to convey their thoughts more by sketch
than by sound.
Interpretation of the Hieroglyphs
These pinturas, as the Spanish conquerors designated them, offer no very
great difficulty in their elucidation to modern experts, at least so far as
the general trend of their contents is concerned. In this they are unlike
the manuscripts of the Maya of Central America with which we shall make
acquaintance further on. Their interpretation was largely traditional, and
was learned by rote, being passed on by one generation of amamatini
(readers) to another, and was by no means capable of elucidation by all and
sundry.
Native Manuscripts
The pinturas or native manuscripts which remain to us are but few in number.
Priestly fanaticism, which ordained their wholesale destruction, and the
still more potent passage of time have so reduced them that each separate
example is known to bibliophiles and Americanists the world over. In such as
still exist we can observe great fullness of detail, representing for the
most part festivals, sacrifices, tributes, and natural phenomena, such as
eclipses and floods, and the death and accession of monarchs. These events,
and the supernatural beings who were supposed to control them, were depicted
in brilliant colours, executed by means of a brush of feathers.
The Interpretative Codices
Luckily for future students of Mexican history, the blind zeal which
destroyed the majority of the Mexican manuscripts was frustrated by the
enlightenment of certain European scholars, who regarded the wholesale
destruction of the native records as little short of a calamity, and who
took steps to seek out the few remaining native artists, from whom they
procured copies of the more important paintings, the details of which were,
of course, quite familiar to them. To those were added interpretations taken
down from the lips of the native scribes themselves, so that no doubt might
remain regarding the contents of the manuscripts. These are known as the
"Interpretative Codices," and are of considerable assistance to the student
of Mexican history and customs. Three only are in existence. The Oxford
Codex, treasured in the Bodleian Library, is of a historical nature, and
contains a full list of the lesser cities which were subservient to Mexico
in its palmy days. The Paris or Tellerio-Remensis Codex, so called from
having once been the property of Le Tellier, Archbishop of Rheims, embodies
many facts concerning the early settlement of the various Nahua city-states.
The Vatican MSS. deal chiefly with mythology and the intricacies of the
Mexican calendar system. Such Mexican paintings as were unassisted by an
interpretation are naturally of less value to present-day students of the
lore of the Nahua. They are principally concerned with calendric matter,
ritualistic data, and astrological computations or horoscopes.
The Mexican "Book of the Dead"
Perhaps the most remarkable and interesting manuscript in the Vatican
collection is one the last pages of which represent the journey of the soul
after death through the gloomy dangers of the Other-world. This has been
called the Mexican "Book of the Dead." The corpse is depicted dressed for
burial, the soul escaping from its earthly tenement by way of the mouth. The
spirit is ushered into the presence of Tezcatlipoca, the Jupiter of the
Aztec pantheon, by an attendant dressed in an ocelot skin, and stands naked
with a wooden yoke round the neck before the deity, to receive sentence. The
dead person is given over to the tests which precede entrance to the abode
of the dead, the realm of Mictlan, and so that he may not have to meet the
perils of the journey in a defenceless condition a sheaf of javelins is
bestowed upon him. He first passes between two lofty peaks, which may fall
and crush him if he cannot skilfully escape them. A terrible serpent then
intercepts his path, and, if he succeeds in defeating this monster, the
fierce alligator Xochitonal awaits him. Eight deserts and a corresponding
number of mountains have then to be negotiated by the hapless spirit, and a
whirlwind sharp as a sword, which cuts even through solid rocks, must be
withstood. Accompanied by the shade of his favourite dog, the harassed ghost
at length encounters the fierce Izpuzteque, a demon with the backward-bent
legs of a cock, the evil Nextepehua, the fiend who scatters clouds of ashes,
and many another grisly foe, until at last he wins to the gates of the Lord
of Hell, before whom he does reverence, after which he is free to greet his
friends who have gone before.
The Calendar System
As has been said, the calendar system was the source of all Mexican science,
and regulated the recurrence of all religious rites and festivals. In fact,
the entire mechanism of Nahua life was resident in its provisions. The type
of time-division and computation exemplified in the Nahua calendar was also
found among the Maya peoples of Yucatan and Guatemala and the Zapotec people
of the boundary between the Nahua and Maya races. By which of these races it
was first employed is unknown. But the Zapotec calendar exhibits signs or
both Nahua and Maya influence, and from this it has been inferred that the
calendar systems of these races have been evolved from it. It might with
equal probability be argued that both Nahua and Maya art were offshoots of
Zapotec art, because the characteristics of both are discovered in it,
whereas the circumstance merely illustrates the very natural acceptance by a
border people, who settled down to civilisation at a relatively later date,
of the artistic tenets of the two greater peoples who environed them. The
Nahua and Maya calendars were in all likelihood evolved from the calendar
system of that civilised race which undoubtedly existed on the Mexican
plateau prior to the coming of the later Nahua swarms, and which in general
is loosely alluded to as the "Toltec."
The Mexican Year
The Mexican year was a cycle Of 365 days, without any intercalary addition
or other correction. In course of time it almost lost its seasonal
significance because of the omission of the extra hours included in the
solar year, and furthermore many of its festivals and occasions were altered
by high-priests and rulers to suit their convenience. The Mexican
nexiuhilpilitztli (binding of years) contained fifty-two years, and ran in
two separate cycles-one of fifty-two years Of 365 days each, and another of
seventy-three groups of 260 days each. The first was of course the solar
year, and embraced eighteen periods of twenty days each, called "months " by
the old Spanish chroniclers, with five nemontemi (unlucky days) over and
above. These days were not intercalated, but were included in the year, and
merel overflowed the division of the year into periods of twenty days. The
cycle of seventy-three groups of 260 days, subdivided into groups of
thirteen days, was called the "birth-cycle."
Lunar Reckoning
People in a barbarous condition almost invariably reckon time by the period
between the waxing and waning of the moon as distinct from the entire
passage of a lunar revolution, and this period of twenty days will be found
to be the basis in the time-reckoning of the Mexicans, who designated it
cempohualli. Each day included in it was denoted by a sign, as "house",
"snake", "wind", and so forth. Each cempohualli was subdivided into four
periods of five days each, sometimes alluded to as "weeks" by the early
Spanish writers, and these were known by the sign their middle or third day.
These day-names ran on without reference to the length of the year. The year
itself was designated by the name of the middle day of the week in which it
began. Out of twenty day-names in the Mexican "month " it was inevitable
that the four calli (house), tochtli (rabbit), acatl (reed), and tecpati
(flint) should always recur in sequence because of the incidence of these
days in the Mexican solar year. Four years made up a year of the sun. During
the nemontemi (unlucky days) no work was done, as they were regarded as
ominous and unwholesome.
We have seen that the civil year permitted the day-names to run on
continuously rom one year to another. The ecclesiastical authorities,
however, had a reckoning of their own, and made the year begin always on the
first day of their calendar, no matter what sign denominated that day in the
civil system.
Groups of Years
As has been indicated, the years were formed into groups. Thirteen years
constituted a xiumalpilli (bundle), and four of these a nexiuhilpilitztli
(complete binding of the years). Each year had thus a double aspect, first
as an individual period of time, and secondly as a portion of the "year of
the sun," and these were so numbered and named that each year in the series
of fifty-two possessed a different description.
The Dread of the Last Day
With the conclusion of each period of fifty-two years a terrible dread came
upon the Mexicans that the world would come to an end. A stated period of
time had expired, a period which was regarded as fixed by divine command,
and it had been ordained that on the completion of one of those series of
fifty-two years earthly time would cease and the universe be demolished. For
some time before the ceremony of toxilmolpilia (the binding up of the years)
the Mexicans abandoned themselves to the utmost prostration, and the wicked
went about in terrible fear. As the first day of the fifty-third year dawned
the people narrowly observed the Pleiades, for if they passed the zenith
time would procee and the world would be respited. The gods were placated or
refreshed by the slaughter of the human victim, on whose still living breast
a fire of wood was kindled by friction, the heart and body being consumed by
the flames so lighted. As the planets of hope crossed the zenith loud
acclamations resounded from the people, and the domestic hearths, which had
been left cold and dead, were rekindled from the sacred fire which had
consumed the sacrifice. Mankind was safe for another period.
The Birth-Cycle
The birth-cycle, as we have said, consisted of 260 days. It had originally
been a lunar cycle of thirteen days, and once bore the names of thirteen
moons. It formed part of the civil calendar, with which, however, it had
nothing in common, as it was used for ecclesiastical purposes only. The
lunar names were abandoned later, and the numbers one to thirteen adopted in
their places.
Language of the Nahua
The Nahua language represented a very low state of culture. Speech is the
general measure of the standard of thought of a people, and if we judged the
civilisation of the Nahua by theirs, we should be justified in concluding
that they had not yet emerged from barbarism. But we must recollect that the
Nahua of the conquest period had speedily adopted the older civilisation
which they had found awaiting them on their entrance to Mexico, and had
retained their own primitive tongue. The older and more cultured people who
had preceded them probably spoke a more polished dialect of the same
lanzuage, but its influence had evidently but little on the rude Chichimecs
and Aztecs. The Mexican tongue, like most American languages, belongs to the
"incorporative" type, the genius of which is to unite all the related words
in a sentence into one conglomerate term or word, merging the separate words
of which it is composed one into another by altering their forms, and so
welding them together as to express the whole in one word. It will be at
once apparent that such a system was clumsy in the extreme, and led to the
creation of words and names of the most barbarous appearance and sound. In a
narrative of the Spanish discovery written by Chimalpahin, the native
chronicler of Chalco, born in 1579, we have, for example, such a passage as
the following: Oc chiucnauhxihuitl inic onen quilantimanca Espańa camo niman
ic yuh ca omacoc ihuelitiliztli inic niman ye chiuhcnauhxiuhtica, in oncan
ohualla. This passage is chosen quite at random, and is an average specimen
of literary Mexican of the sixteenth century. Its purport is, freely
translated: "For nine years he [Columbus] remained in vain in Spain. Yea,
for nine years there he waited for influence." The clumsy and cumbrous
nature of the language could scarcely be better illustrated tnan by pointing
out that chiucnauhxihuitl signifies "nine years"; quilantimanca, " he below
remained"; and omacoc ihuelitiliztli, "he has got his powerfulness." It must
be recollected that this specimen of Mexican was composed by a person who
had had the benefit of a Spanish education, and is cast in literary form.
What the spoken Mexican of preconquest times was like can be contemplated
with misgiving in the grammars of the old Spanish missionaries, whose
greatest glory is that they mastered such a language in the interests of
their faith.
Aztec Science
The science of the Aztecs was, perhaps, one of the most picturesque sides of
their civilisation. As with all peoples in a semi-barbarous state, it
consisted chiefly in astrology and divination. Of the former the wonderful
calendar system was the basis, and by its aid the priests, or those of them
who were set apart for the study of the heavenly bodies, pretended to be
able to tell the future of new-born infants and the progress of the dead in
the other world. This they accomplished by weighing the influence of the
planets and other luminaries one against another, and extracting the net
result. Their art of divination consisted in drawing omens from the song and
flight of birds, the appearance of grains of seed, feathers, and the
entrails of animals, by which means they confidently predicted both public
and private events.
Nahua Government
The limits of the Aztec Empire may be defined, if its tributary states are
included, as extending over the territory comprised in the modern states of
Mexico, Southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Among the civilised peoples of
this extensive tract the prevailing form of government was an absolute
monarchy, although several of the smaller communities were republics. The
law of succession, as with the Celts of Scotland, prescribed that the eldest
surviving brother of the deceased monarch should be elected to his throne,
and, failing him, the eldest nephew. But incompetent persons were almost
invariably ignored by the elective body, although the choice was limited to
one family. The ruler was generally selected both because of his military
prowess and his ecclesiastical and political knowledge. Indeed, a Mexican
monarch was nearly always a man of the highest culture and artistic
refinement, and the ill-fated Montezuma was an example of the true type of
Nahua sovereign. The council of the monarch was composed of the electors and
other personages of importance in the realm. It undertook the government of
the provinces, the financial affairs of the country, and other matters of
national import. The nobility held all the highest military, judicial, and
ecclesiastical offices. To each city and province judges were delegated who
exercised criminal and civil jurisdiction, and whose opinion superseded even
that of the Crown itself. Petty cases were settled by lesser officials, and
a still inferior grade of officers acted as a species of police in the
supervision of families.
Domestic Life
The domestic life of the Nahua was a peculiar admixture of simplicity and
display. The mass of the people led a life of strenuous labour in the
fields, and in the cities they wrought hard at many trades, among which may
be specified building, metal-working, making robes and other articles of
bright featherwork and quilted suits of armour, Jewellery, and small wares.
Vendors of flowers, fruit, fish, and vegetables swarmed in the markets. The
use of tobacco was general among the men of all classes. At banquets the
women attended, although they were seated at separate tables. The
entertainments of the upper class were marked by much magnificence, and the
variety of dishes was considerable, including venison, turkey, many smaller
birds, fish, a profusion of vegetables, and pastry, accompanied by sauces of
delicate flavour. These were served in dishes of gold and silver. Pulque, a
fermented drink dishes brewed from the agave, was the universal beverage.
Cannibalism was indulged in usually on ceremonial occasions, and was
surrounded by such refinements of the table as served only to render it the
more repulsive in the eyes of Europeans. It has been stated that this
revolting practice was engaged in owing solely to the tenets of the Nahua
religion, which enjoined the slaughter of slaves or captives in the name of
a deity, and their consumption with the idea that the consumers attained
unity with that deity in the flesh. But there is good reason to suspect that
the Nahua, deprived of the flesh of the larger domestic animals, practised
deliberate cannibalism. It would appear that the older race which preceded
them in the country were innocent of these horrible repasts.
A Mysterious Toltec Book
A piece of Nahua literature, the disappearance of which is surrounded by
circumstances of the deepest mystery, is the Teo-Amoxtli (Divine Book),
which is alleged by certain chroniclers to have been the work of the ancient
Toltecs. Ixtlilxochitl, a native Mexican author, states that it was written
by a Tezcucan wiseman, one Huematzin about the end of the seventh century,
and that it described the pilgrimage of the Nahua from Asia, their laws,
manners, and customs, and their religious tenets, science, and arts. In 1838
the Baron de Waldeck stated in his Voyage Pittoresque that he bad it in his
possession, and the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg identified it with.the Maya
Dresden Codex and other native manuscripts Bustamante also states that the
amamatini (chroniclers) of Tezcuco had a copy in their possession at the
time of the taking of their city. But these appear to be mere surmises, and
if the Teo-Amoxtli ever existed, which on the whole is not unlikely, it has
probably never been seen by a European.
A Native Historian
One of the most interesting of the Mexican historians is Don Fernando de
Alva Ixtlilxochitl., a halfbreed of royal Tezcucan descent. He was
responsible for two notable works, entitled Historia Chichimeca (The History
of the Chichimecs) and the Relaciones, a compilation of historical and semi-
historical incidents. He was cursed, or blessed, however, by a strong
leaning toward the marvellous, and has coloured his narratives so highly
that he would have us regard the Toltec or ancient Nahua civilisations as by
far the most splendid and magnificent that ever existed. His descriptions of
Tezcuco, if picturesque in the extreme, are manifestly the outpourings of a
romantic and idealistic mind, which in its patriotic enthusiasm desired to
vindicate the country of his birth from the stigma of savagery and to prove
its equality with the great nations of antiquity. For this we have not the
heart to quarrel with him. But we must be on our guard against accepting any
of his statements unless we find strong corroboration of it in the pages of
a more trustworthy and less biased author.
Nahua Topography
The geography of Mexico is by no means as familiar to Europeans as is that
of the various countries of our own continent, and it is extremely easy for
the reader who is unacquainted with Mexico and the puzzling orthography of
its place-names to flounder among them, and during the perusal of such a
volume as this to find himself in a hopeless maze of surmise as to the exact
locality of the more famous centres of Mexican history. A few moments' study
of this paragraph will enlighten him in this respect, and will save him much
confusion further on. He will see from. the map (p. 330) that the city of
Mexico, or Tenochtitlan, its native name, was situated upon an island in the
Lake of Tezcuco. This lake has now partially dried up, and the modern city
of Mexico is situated at a considerable distance from it. Tezcuco, the city
second in importance, lies to the north-east of the lake, and is somewhat
more isolated, the other pueblos (towns) clustering round the southern or
western shores. To the north of Tezcuco is Teotihuacan, the sacred city of
the gods. To the south-east of Mexico is Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala, the city
which assisted Cortés against the Mexicans, and the inhabitants of which
were the deadliest foes of the central Nahua power. To the north lie the
sacred city of Cholula and Tula, or Tollan.
Distribution of the Nahua Tribes
Having become acquainted with the relative position of the Nahua cities, we
may now consult for a moment the map which exhibits the geographical
distribution of the various Nahua tribes, and which is self-explanatory (p.
331).
Nahua History
A brief historical sketch or epitome of what is known of Nahua history as
apart from mere tradition will further assist the reader in the
comprehension of Mexican mythology. From the period of the settlement of the
Nahua on an agricultural basis a system of feudal government had evolved,
and at various epochs in the history of the country certain cities or groups
of cities held a paramount sway. Subsequent to the "Toltec" period, which we
have already described and discussed, we find the Acolhuans in supreme
power, and ruling from their cities of Tollantzinco and Cholula a
considerable tract of country. Later Cholula maintained an alliance with
Tlascala and Huexotzinco.
Bloodless Battles
The maxim "Other climes, other manners" is nowhere better exemplified than
by the curious annual strife betwixt the warriors of Mexico and Tlascala.
Once a year they met on a prearranged battle-ground and engaged in combat,
not with the intention of killing one another, but with the object of taking
prisoners for sacrifice on the altars of their respective war-gods. The
warrior seized his opponent and attempted to bear him off, the various
groups pulling and tugging desperately at each other in the endeavour to
seize the limbs of the unfortunate who had been first struck down, with the
object of dragging him into durance or effecting his rescue. Once secured,
theTlascaltec warrior was brought to Mexico in a cage, and first placed upon
a stone slab, to which one of his feet was secured by a chain or thong. He
was then given light weapons, more like playthings than warrior's gear, and
confronted by one of the most celebrated Mexican warriors. Should he succeed
in defeating six of these formidable antagonists, he was set free. But no
sooner was he wounded than he was hurried to the altar of sacrifice, and his
heart was torn out and offered to Huitzilopochtli, the implacable god of
war.
The Tlascaltecs, having finally secured their position by a defeat of the
Tecpanecs of Huexotzinco about A.D. 1384, sank into comparative obscurity
save for their annual bout with the Mexicans.
The Lake Cities
The communities grouped round the various lakes in the valley of Mexico now
command our attention. More than two score of these thriving communities
flourished at the time of the conquest of Mexico, the most notable being
those which occupied the borders of the Lake of Tezcuco. These cities
grouped themselves round two nuclei, Azcapozalco and Tezcuco, between whom a
fierce rivalry sprang up, which finally ended in the entire discomfiture ol
Azcapozalco. From this event the real history of Mexico may be said to
commence. Those cities which had allied themselves to Tezcuco finally
overran the entire territory of Mexico from the Mexican Gulf to the Pacific.
Tezcuco
If, as some authorities declare, Tezcuco was originally Otomi in affinity,
it was in later years the most typically Nahuan of all the lacustrine
powers. But several other communities, the power of which was very nearly as
great as that of Tezcuco, had assisted that city to supremacy. Among these
was Xaltocan, a city-state of unquestionable Otomi origin, situated at the
northern extremity of the lake. As we have seen from the statements of
Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan writer, his native city was in the forefront of
Nahua civilisation at the time of the coming of the Spaniards, and if it was
practically subservient to Mexico (Tenochtitlan) at that period it was by no
means its inferior in the arts.
The Tecpanecs
The Tecpanecs, who dwelt in Tlacopan, Coyohuacan, and Huitzilopocho, were
also typical Nahua. The name, as we have already explained, indicates that
each settlement possessed its own tecpan (chief's house), and has no racial
significance. Their state was probably founded about the twelfth century,
although a chronology of no less than fifteen hundred years was claimed for
it. This people composed a sort of buffer-state betwixt the Otomi on the
north and other Nahua on the south.
The Aztecs
The menace of these northern Otomi had become acute when the Tecpanecs
received reinforcements in the shape of the Aztecâ, or Aztecs, a people of
Nahua blood., who came, according to their own accounts, from Aztlan (Crane
Land). The name Aztecâ signifies "Crane People," and this has led to the
assumption that they came from Chihuahua, where cranes abound. Doubts have
been cast upon the Nahua origin of the Aztecâ. But these are by no means
well founded, as the names of the early Aztec chieftains and kings are
unquestionably Nahuan. This people on their arrival in Mexico were in a very
inferior state of culture, and were probably little better than savages. We
have already outlined some of the legends concerning the coming of the
Aztecs to the land of Anahuac, or the valley of Mexico, but their true
origin is uncertain, and it is likely that they wandered down from the north
as other Nahua immigrants did before them, and as the Apache Indians still
do to this day. By their own showing they had sojourned at several points en
route, and were reduced to slavery by the chiefs of Colhuacan. They proved
so truculent in their bondage, however, that they were released, and
journeyed to Chapoultepec, which they quitted because of their dissensions
with the Xaltocanecs. On their arrival in the district inhabited by the
Tecpanecs a tribute was levied upon them, but nevertheless they flourished
so exceedingly that the swamp villages which the Tecpanecs had permitted
them to raise on the borders of the lake soon grew into thriving
communities, and chiefs were provided for them from among the nobility of
the Tecpanecs.
The Aztecs as Allies
By the aid of the Aztecs the Tecpanecs greatly extended their territorial
possessions. City after city was added to their empire, and the allies
finally invaded the Otomi country, which they speedily subdued. Those cities
which had been founded by the Acolhuans on the fringes of Tezcuco also
allied themselves with the Tecpanecs with the intention of freeing
themselves from the yoke of the Chichimecs, whose hand was heavy upon them.
The Chichimecs or Tezcucans made a stern resistance, and for a time the
sovereignty of the Tecpanecs hung in the balance. But eventually they
conquered, and Tezcuco was overthrown and given as a spoil to the Aztecs.
New Powers
Up to this time the Aztecs had paid a tribute to Azcapozalco, but now,
strengthened by the successes of the late conflict, they withheld it, and
requested permission to build an aqueduct from the shore for the purpose of
carrying a supply of water into their city. This was refused by the
Tecpanecs, and a policy ol isolation was brought to bear upon Mexico an
embargo being placed upon its goods and intercourse with its people being
forbidden. War followed, in which the Tecpanecs were defeated with great
slaughter. After this event, which may be placed about the year 1428, the
Aztecs gained round rapidly, and their march to the supremacy of the entire
Mexican valley was almost undisputed. Allying themselves with Tezcuco and
Tlacopan, the Mexicans overran many states far beyond the confines of the
valley, and by the time of Montezuma I had extended their boundaries almost
to the limits of the present republic. The Mexican merchant followed in the
footsteps of the Mexican warrior, and the commercial expansion of the Aztecs
rivalled their military fame. Clever traders, they were merciless in their
exactions of tribute from the states they conquered, manufacturing the raw
material paid to them by the subject cities into goods which they afterwards
sold again to the tribes under their sway. Mexico became the chief market of
the empire, as well as its political nucleus. Such was the condition of
affairs when the Spaniards arrived in Anahuac. Their coming has been
deplored by certain historians as hastening the destruction of a Western
Eden. But bad as was their rule, it was probably mild when compared with the
cruel and insatiable sway of the Aztecs over their unhappy dependents.
The Spaniards found a tyrannical despotism in the conquered provinces, and a
faith the accessories of which were so fiendish that it cast a gloom over
the entire national life. These they replaced by a milder vassalage and the
earnest ministrations of a more enlightened priesthood.
CHAPTER II: MEXICAN MYTHOLOGY
Nahua Religion
THE religion of the ancient Mexicans was a polytheism or worship of a
pantheon of deities, the general aspect of which presented similarities to
the systems of Greece and Egypt. Original influences, however, were strong,
and they are especially discernible in the institutions of ritualistic
cannibalism and human sacrifice. Strange resemblances to Christian practice
were observed in the Aztec mythology by the Spanish Conquistadores, who
piously condemned the native customs of baptism, consubstantiation, and
confession as frauds founded and perpetuated by diabolic agency.
A superficial examination of the Nahua religion might lead to the inference
that within its scope and system no definite theological views were embraced
and no ethical principles propounded, and that the entire mythology presents
only the fantastic attitude of the barbarian mind toward the eternal
verities. Such a conclusion would be both erroneous and unjust to a human
intelligence of a type by no means debased. As a matter of fact, the Nahua
displayed a theological advancement greatly superior to that of the Greeks
or Romans, and quite on a level with that expressed by the Egyptians and
Assyrians. Toward the period or the Spanish occupation the Mexican
priesthood was undoubtedly advancing to the contemplation of the exaltation
of one god, whose worship was fast excluding that of similar deities, and if
our data are too imperfect to allow us to speak very fully in regard to this
phase of religious advancement, we know at least that much of the Nahua
ritual and many of the prayers preserved by the labours of the Spanish
fathers are unquestionably genuine, and display the attainment of a high
religious level.
Cosmology
Aztec theology postulated an eternity which, however, was not without its
epochs. It was thought to be broken up into a number of aeons, each of which
depended upon the period of duration of a separate "sun." No agreement is
noticeable among authorities on Mexican mythology as to the number of these
"suns," but it would appear as probable that the favourite tradition
stipulated for four "suns " or epochs, each of which concluded with a
national disaster-flood, famine, tempest, or fire. The present veon, they
feared, might conclude upon the completion of every " sheaf " of fifty-two
years, the " sheaf " being a merely arbitrary portion of an veon. The period
of time from the first creation to the current aeon was variously computed
as 15,228, 2386, or 1404 solar years, the discrepancy and doubt arising
because of the equivocal nature of the numeral signs expressing the period
in the pinturas or native paintings. As regards the sequence of "suns" there
is no more agreement than there is regarding their number. The Codex
Vaticanus states it to have been water, wind, fire, and famine. Humboldt
gives it as hunger, fire, wind, and water; Boturini as water, famine, wind,
and fire; and Gama as hunger, wind, fire, and water.
In all likelihood the adoption of tour ages arose from the sacred nature of
that number. The myth doubtless shaped itself upon the tonalamatl (Mexican
native calendar), the great repository of the wisdom of the Nahua race,
which the priestly class regarded as its vade mecum, and which was closely
consulted by it on every occasion. civil or religious.
The Sources of Mexican Mythology
Our knowledge of the mythology of the Mexicans is chiefly gained through the
works of those Spaniards, lay and cleric, who entered the country along with
or immediately subsequent to the Spanish Conquistadores. From several of
these we have what might be called first-hand accounts of the theogony and
ritual of the Nahua people. The most valuable compendium is that of Father
Bernardino Sahagun, entitled A General History of the Afairs of New Spain,
which was published from manuscript only in the middle of last century,
though written in the first half of the sixteenth century. Sahagun arrived
in Mexico eight years after the country had been reduced by the Spaniards to
a condition of servitude. He obtained a thorough mastery of the Nahuatl
tongue, and conceived a warm admiration for the native mind and a deep
interest in the antiquities of the conquered people. His method of
collecting facts concerning their mythology and history was as effective as
it was ingenious. He held daily conferences with reliable Indians, and
placed questions before them, to which they replied by symbolical paintings
detailing the answers which he required. These he submitted to scholars who
had been trained under his own supervision, and who, after consultation
among), themselves, rendered him a criticism in Nahuatl of the
hieroglyphical paintings he had placed at their disposal. Not content with
this process, he subjected these replies to the criticism of a third body,
after which the matter was included in his work. But ecclesiastical
intolerance was destined to keep the work from publication for a couple of
centuries. Afraid that such a volume would be successful in keeping alight
the fires of paganism in Mexico, Sahagun's brethren refused him the
assistance he required for its publication. But on his appealing to the
Council of the Indies in Spain he was met with encouragement, and was
ordered to translate his great work into Spanish, a task he undertook when
over eighty years of age. He transmitted the work to Spain, and for three
hundred years nothing more was heard of it.
The Romance of the Lost "Sahagun"
For generations antiquarians interested in the lore or ancient Mexico
bemoaned its loss, until at length one Mufloz, more indefatigable than the
rest, chanced to visit the crumbling library of the ancient convent of
Tolosi, in Navarre. There, among time-worn manuscripts and tomes relating to
the early fathers and the intricacies of canon law, he discovered the lost
Sahagun! It was printed separately by Bustamante at Mexico and by Lord
Kingsborough in his collection in 1830, and has been translated into French
by M. Jourdanet. Thus the manuscript commenced in or after 1530 was given to
the public after a lapse of no less than three hundred years!
Torquemada
Father Torquemada arrived in the New World about the middle of the sixteenth
century, at which period he was still enabled to take from the lips of such
of the Conquistadores as remained much curious information regarding the
circumstances of their advent. His Monarchia Indiana was first published at
Seville in 1615, and in it he made much use of the manuscript of Sahagun,
not then published. At the same time his observations upon matters
pertaining to the native religion are often illuminating and exhaustive.
In his Storia Antica del Messico the Abbé Clavigero, who published his work
in 1780, did much to disperse the clouds of tradition which hung over
Mexican history and mythology. The clarity of his style and the exactness of
his information render his work exceedingly useful.
Antonio Gama, in his Descripcion Historica y Cronologica de las dos Piedras,
poured a flood of light on Mexican antiquities. His work was published in
1832. With him maybe said to have ceased the line of Mexican archxologists
of the older school. Others worthy of being mentioned among the older
writers on Mexican mythology (we are not here concerned with history) are
Boturini, who, in his Idea de una Nueva Historia General de la America
Septentrional, gives a vivid picture of native life and tradition, culled
from first-hand communication with the people; Ixdilxochitl, a half-breed,
whose mendacious works, the Relaciones and Historia Chichimeca., are yet
valuable repositories of tradition; José de Acosta, whose Historia Natural y
Moral de las Yndias was published at Seville in 1580; and Gomara, who, in
his Historia General de las Indias (Madrid, 1749), rested upon the authority
of the Conquistadores. Tezozomoc's Chronica Mexicana, reproduced in Lord
Kingsborough's great work, is valuable as giving unique facts regarding the
Aztec mythology, as is the Teatro Mexicana of Vetancurt, published at Mexico
in 1697-98.
The Worship of One God
The ritual of this dead faith of another hemisphere abounds in expressions
concerning the unity of the deity approaching very nearly to many of those
we ourselves employ regarding God's attributes. The various classes of the
priesthood were in the habit of addressing the several gods to whom they
ministered as "omnipotent," "endless," "invisible," "the one god complete in
perfection and unity," and "the Maker and Moulder of All." These
appellations they applied not to one supreme being, but to the individual
deities to whose service they were attached. It may be thought that such a
practice would be fatal to the evolution of a single and universal god. But
there is every reason to believe that Tezcatlipoca, the great god of the
air, like the Hebrew Jahveh, also an air-god, was fast gaining precedence of
all other deities, when the coming of the white man put in end to his
chances of sovereignty.
Tezcatlipoca
Tezcatlipoca (Fiery Mirror) was undoubtedly the Jupiter of the Nahua
pantheon. He carried a mirror or shield, from which he took his name, and in
which he was supposed to see reflected the actions and deeds of mankind. The
evolution of this god from the status of a spirit of wind or air to that of
the supreme deity of the Aztec people presents many points of deep interest
to students of mythology. Originally the personification of the air, the
source both of the breath of life and of the tempest, Tezcatlipoca possessed
all the attributes of a god who presided over these phenomena. As the tribal
god of the Tezcucans who had led them into the Land of Promise, and had been
instrumental in the defeat of both the gods and men of the elder race they
dispossessed, Tezcatlipoca naturally advanced so speedily in popularity and
public honour that it was little wonder that within a comparatively short
space of time he came to be regarded as a god of fate and fortune, and as
inseparably connected with the national destinies. Thus, from being the
peculiar deity of a small band of Nahua immigrants, the prestige accruing
from the rapid conquest made under his tutelary direction and the speedily
disseminated tales of the prowess of those who worshipped him seemed to
render him at once the most popular and the best feared god in Anahuac,
therefore the one whose cult quickly overshadowed that of other and similar
gods.
Tezcatlipoca, Overthrower of the Toltecs
We find Tezcatlipoca intimately associated with the legends which recount
the overthrow of Tollan, the capital of the Toltecs. His chief adversary on
the Toltec side is the god-king Quetzalcoatl, whose nature and reign we will
consider later, but whom we will now merely regard as the enemy of
Tezcatlipoca. The rivalry between these gods symbolises that which existed
between the civilised Toltecs and the barbarian Nahua, and is well
exemplified in the following myths.
Myths of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca
In the days of Quetzalcoatl there was abundance of everything necessary for
subsistence. The maize was plentiful, the calabashes were as thick as one's
arm, and cotton grew in all colours without having to be dyed. A variety of
birds of rich plumage filled the air with their songs, and gold, silver, and
precious stones were abundant. In the reign of Quetzalcoad there was peace
and plenty for all men.
But this blissful state was too fortunate, too happy to endure. Envious of
the calm enjoyment of the god and his people the Toltecs, three wicked
"necromancers" plotted their downfall. The reference is of course to the
gods of the invading Nahua tribes, the deities Huitzilopochtli, Titlacahuan
or Tezcatlipoca, and Tlacahuepan. These laid evil enchantments upon the city
of Tollan, and Tezcatlipoca in particular took the lead in these envious
conspiracies. Disguised as an aged man with white hair, he presented himself
at the palace of Quetzalcoatl, where he said to the pages. in-waiting: "Pray
present me to your master the king I desire to speak with him."
The pages advised him to retire, as Quetzalcoatl was indisposed and could
see no one. He requested them, however, to tell the god that he was waiting
outside. They did so, and procured his admittance.
On entering the chamber of Quetzalcoad the wily Tezcatlipoca simulated much
sympathy with the suffering god-king. "How are you, my son?" he asked. "I
have brought you a drug which you should drink, and which will put an end to
the course of your malady."
"You are welcome, old man," replied Quetzalcoad.
I have known for many days that you would come. I am exceedingly indisposed.
The malady affects my entire system, and I can use neither my hands nor
feet."
Tezcatlipoca assured him that if he partook of the medicine which he had
brought him he would immediately experience a great improvement in health.
Quetzalcoatl drank the potion, and at once felt much revived. The cunning
Tezcatlipoca pressed another and still another cup of the potion upon him,
and as it was nothing but pulque, the wine of the country, he speedily
became intoxicated, and was as wax in the hands of his adversary.
Tezcatlipoca and the Toltecs
Tezcatlipoca, in pursuance of his policy inimical to the Toltec state, took
the form of an Indian of the name of Toueyo (Toveyo), and bent his steps to
the palace of Uemac, chief of the Toltecs in temporal matters. This worthy
had a daughter so fair that she was desired in marriage by many of the
Toltecs, but all to no purpose, as her father refused her hand to one and
alL The princess, beholding the false Toueyo passing her father's palace,
fell deeply in love with him, and so tumultuous was her passion that she
became seriously ill because of her longing for him. Uemac, hearing of her
indisposition, bent his steps to her apartments, and inquired of her women
the cause of her illness. They told him that it was occasioned by the sudden
passion which had seized her for the Indian who had recently come that way.
Uemac at once gave orders for the arrest of Toueyo, and he was haled before
the temporal chief of Tollan.
"Whence come you?" inquired Uemac of his prisoner, who was very scantily
attired.
"Lord, I am a stranger, and I have come to these parts to sell green paint,"
replied Tezcatlipoca.
"Why are you dressed in this fashion? Why do you not wear a cloak?" asked
the chief.
"My lord, I follow the custom of my country," replied Tezcatlipoca.
"You have inspired a passion in the breast of my daughter," said Uemac.
"What should be done to you for thus disgracing me?"
"Slay me; I care not," said the cunning Tezcatlipoca.
"Nay," replied Uemac, "for if I slay you my daughter will perish. Go to her
and say that she may wed you and be happy."
Now the marriage of Toueyo, to the daughter of Uemac aroused much discontent
among the Toltecs; and they murmured among themselves, and said: "Wherefore
did Uemac give his daughter to this Toueyo?" Uemac, having got wind of these
murmurings, resolved to distract the attention of the Toltecs by makina war
upon the neiahbouringa state of Coatepec.
The Toltecs assembled armed for the fray, and having arrived at the country
of the men of Coatepec they placed Toueyo in ambush with his body-servants,
hoping that he would be slain by their adversaries. But Toueyo and his men
killed a large number of the enemy and put them to flight. His triumph was
celebrated by Uemac with much pomp. The knightly plumes were placed upon his
head, and his body was painted with red and yellow-an honour reserved for
those who distinguished themselves in battle.
Tezcatlipoca's next step was to announce a great feast in Tollan, to which
all the people for miles around were invited. Great crowds assembled, and
danced and sang in the city to the sound of the drum. Tezcatlipoca sang to
them and forced them to accompany the rhythm of his song with their feet.
Faster and faster the people danced, until the pace became so furious that
they were driven to madness, lost their footing, and tumbled pell-mell down
a deep ravine, where they were changed into rocks. Others in attempting to
cross a stone bridge precipitated themselves into the water below, and were
changed into stones.
On another occasion Tezcatlipoca presented himself as a valiant warrior
named Tequiua, and invited all the inhabitants of Tollan and its environs to
come to the flower-garden called Xochitla. When assembled there he attacked
them with a hoe, and slew a great number, and others in panic crushed their
comrades to death.
Tezcatlipoca and Tlacahuepan on another occasion repaired to the market-
place of Tollan, the former displaying upon the palm of his hand a small
infant whom he caused to dance and to cut the most amusing capers. This
infant was in reality Huitzilopochdi, the Nahua god of war. At this sight
the Toltecs crowded upon one another for the purpose of getting a better
view, and their eagerness resulted in many being crushed to death. So
enraged were the Toltecs at this that upon the advice of Tlacahuepan they
slew both Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli. When this had been done the
bodies of the slain gods gave forth such a pernicious effluvia that
thousands the Toltecs died of the pestilence. The god Tlacahuepan then
advised them to cast out the bodies lest worse befell them., but on their
attempting to do so they discovered their weight to be so great that they
could not move them. Hundreds wound cords round the corpses, but the strands
broke, and those who pulled upon them fell and died suddenly, tumbling one
upon the other, and suffocating those upon whom they collapsed.
The Departure of Quetzalcoatl
The Toltecs were so tormented by the enchantments of Tezcatlipoca that it
was soon apparent to them that their fortunes were on the wane and that the
end of their empire was at hand. Quetzalcoatl, chagrined at the turn things
had taken, resolved to quit Tollan and go to the country of Tlapallan,
whence he had come on his civilising mission to Mexico. He burned all the
houses which he had built, and buried his treasure of gold and precious
stones in the deep valleys between the mountains. He changed the cacao-trees
into mezquites, and he ordered all the birds of rich plumage and song to
quit the valley of Anahuac and to follow him to a distance of more than a
hundred leagues. On the road from Tollan he discovered a great tree at a
point called Quauhtitlan. There he rested, and requested his pages to hand
him a mirror. Regarding himself in the polished surface, he exclaimed, "I am
old," and from that circumstance the spot was named Huehuequauhtitlan (Old
Quauhtitlan). Proceeding on his way accompanied by musicians who played the
flute, he walked until fatigue arrested his steps, and he seated himself
upon a stone, on which he left the imprint of his hands. This place is
called Temacpalco (The Impress of the Hands). At Coaapan he was met by the
Nahua gods, who were inimical to him and to the Toltecs.
"Where do you go? they asked him. "Why do you leave your capital?
"I go to Tlapallan," replied Quetzalcoatl, "whence I came."
"For what reason?" persisted the enchanters.
My father the Sun has called me thence," replied Quetzalcoatl.
"Go, then, happily," they said, "but leave us the secret of your art, the
secret of founding in silver, of working in precious stones and woods, of
painting, and of feather-working, and other matters."
But Quetzalcoatl refused, and cast all his treasures into the fountain of
Cozcaapa (Water of Precious Stones). At Cochtan he was met by another
enchanter, who asked him whither he was bound, and on learning his
destination proffered him a draught of wine. On tasting the vintage
Quetzalcoatl was overcome with sleep. Continuing his journey in the morning,
the god passed between a volcano and the Sierra Nevada (Mountain of Snow),
where all the pages who accompanied him died of cold. He regretted this
misfortune exceedingly, and wept, lamenting their fate with most bitter
tears and mournful songs. On reaching the summit of Mount Poyauhtecatl he
slid to the base. Arriving at the sea-shore, he embarked upon a raft of
serpents, and was wafted away toward the land of Tlapallan.
It is obvious that these legends bear some resemblance to those of
Ixtlilxochitl which recount the fall of the Toltecs. They are taken from
Sahagun's work, Historya General de Nueva Espańa, and are included as well
for the sake of comparison as for their own intrinsic value.
Tezcatlipoca as Doomster
Tezcatlipoca was much more than a mere personification of wind, and if he
was regarded as a life-giver he had also the power of destroying existence.
In fact on occasion he appears as an inexorable death-dealer, and as such
was styled Nezahualpilli (The Hungry Chief) and Yaotzin (The Enemy). Perhaps
one of the names by which he was best known was Telpochtli (The Youthful
Warrior), from the fact that his reserve of' strength, his vital force,
never diminished, and that his youthful and boisterous vigour was apparent
in the tempest.
Tezcatlipoca was usually depicted as holding in his right hand a dart placed
in an atlatl (spear-thrower), and his mirror-shield with four spare darts in
his left. This shield is the symbol of his power as judge of mankind and
upholder of human justice.
The Aztecs pictured Tezcatlipoca as rioting along the highways in search of
persons on whom to wreak his vengeance, as the wind of night rushes along
the deserted roads with more seemingviolence than it does by day. Indeed one
of his names, Yoalli Ehecatl, signifies "Night Wind." Benches of stone,
shaped like those made for the dignitaries of the Mexican towns, were
distributed along the highways for his especial use, that on these he might
rest after his boisterous journeyings. These seats were concealed by green
boughs, beneath which the god was supposed to lurk in wait for his victims.
But if one of the persons he seized overcame him in the struggle he might
ask whatever boon he desired, secure in the promise of the deity that it
should be granted forthwith.
It was supposed that Tezcatlipoca had guided the Nahua, and especially the
people of Tezcuco, from a more northerly clime to the valley of Mexico. But
he was not a mere local deity of Tezcuco, his worship being widely
celebrated throughout the country. His exalted position in the Mexican
pantheon seems to have won for him especial reverence as a god of fate and
fortune. The place he took as the head of the Nahua pantheon brought him
many attributes which were quite foreign to his original character. Fear and
a desire to exalt their tutelar deity will impel the devotees of a powerful
god to credit him with any or every quality, so that there is nothing
remarkable in the spectacle of the heaping of every possible attribute,
human or divine, upon Tezcatlipoca when we recall the supreme position he
occupied in Mexican mythology. His priestly caste far surpassed in power and
in the breadth and activity of its propaganda the priesthoods of the other
Mexican deities. To it is credited the invention of many of the usages of
civilisation, and that it all but succeeded in making his worship universal
is pretty clear, as has been shown. The other gods were worshipped for some
special purpose, but the worship of Tezcatlipoca was regarded as compulsory,
and to some extent as a safeguard against the destruction of the universe, a
calamity the Nahua had been led tn believe might occur through his agency.
He was known as Moneneque (The Claimer of Prayer), and in some of the
representations of him an ear of gold was shown suspended from his hair,
toward which small tongues of gold strained upward in appeal of prayer. In
times of national danger, plague, or famine universal prayer was made to
Tezcatlipoca. The heads of the community repaired to his teocalli (temple)
accompanied by the people en masse, and all prayed earnestly together for
his speedy intervention. The prayers to Tezcatlipoca still extant prove that
the ancient Mexicans fully believed that he possessed the power of life and
death, and many of them are couched in the most piteous terms.
The Teotleco Festival
The supreme position occupied by Tezcatlipoca in the Mexican religion is
well exemplified in the festival of the Teotleco (Coming of the Gods), which
is fully described in Sahagun's account of the Mexican festivals. Another
peculiarity connected with his worship was that he was one of the few
Mexican deities who had any relation to the expiation of sin. Sin was
symbolised by the Nahua as excrement, and in various manuscripts
Tezcatlipoca is represented as a turkey-cock to which ordure is being
offered up.
Of the festival of the Teotleco Sahagun says In the twelfth month a festival
was celebrated in honour of all the gods, who were said to have gone to some
country I know not where. On the last day of the month a greater one was
held, because the gods had returned. On the fifteenth day of this month the
young boys and the servitors decked all the altars or oratories of the gods
with boughs, as well as those which were in the houses, and the images which
were set up by the wayside and at the cross-roads. This work was paid for in
maize. Some received a basketful, and others only a few ears. On the
eighteenth day the ever-youthful god Tlamatzincatl or Titlacahuan arrived.
It was said that he marched better and arrived the first because he was
strong and young. Food was offered him in his temple on that night. Every
one drank, ate, and made merry. The old people especially celebrated the
arrival of the god by drinking wine, and it was alleged that his feet were
washed by these rejoicings. The last day of the month was marked by a great
festival, on account of the belief that the whole or the gods arrived at
that time. On the preceding night a quantity of flour was kneaded on a
carpet into the shape of a cheese, it being supposed that the gods would
leave a footprint thereon as a sign of their return. The chief attendant
watched all night, going to and fro to see if the impression appeared. When
he at last saw it he called out, 'The master has arrived,' and at once the
priests of the temple began to sound the horns, trumpets., and other musical
instruments used by them. Upon hearing this noise every one set forth to
offer food in all the temples." The next day the aged gods were supposed to
arrive, and young men disguised as monsters hurled victims into a huge
sacrificial fire.
The Toxcatl Festival
The most remarkable festival in connection with Tezcatlipoca was the
Toxcatl, held in the fifth month. On the day of this festival a youth was
slain who for an entire year previously had been carefully instructed in the
rôle of victim. He was selected from among the best war captives of the
year, and must be without spot or blemish. He assumed the name, garb, and
attributes of Tezcatlipoca himself, and was regarded with awe by the entire
populace, who imagined him to be the earthly representative of the deity. He
rested during the day, and ventured forth at night only, armed with the dart
and shield of the god, to scour the roads. This practice was, of course,
symbolical of the wind-god's progress over the nightbound hiahwavs. He
carried also the whistle symbolical of the deity, and made with it a noise
such as the weird wind of night makes when it hurries through the streets.
To his arms and legs small bells were attached. He was followed by a retinue
of pages, and at intervals rested upon the stone seats which were placed
upon the highways for the convenience of Tezcatlipoca. Later in the year he
was mated to four beautiful maidens of high birth, with whom he passed the
time in amusement of every description. He was entertained at the tables of
the nobility as the earthly representative of Tezcatlipoca, and his latter
days were one constant round of feasting and excitement. At last the fatal
day upon which he must be sacrificed arrived. He took a tearful farewell of
the maidens whom he had espoused, and was carried to the teocalli of
sacrifice, upon the sides of which he broke the musical instruments with
which he had beguiled the time of his captivity. When he reached the summit
he was received by the high-priest, who speedily made him one with the god
whom he represented by tearing his heart out on the stone of sacrifice.
Huitzilopochth, the War,God
Huitzilopochtli occupied in the Aztec pantheon a place similar to that of
Mars in the Roman. His origin is obscure, but the myth relating to it is
distinctly original in character. It recounts how, under the shadow of the
mountain of Coatepec, near the Toltec city of Tollan, there dwelt a pious
widow called Coatlicue, the mother of a tribe of Indians called
Centzonuitznaua) who had a daughter called Coyolxauhqui, and who daily
repaired to a small hill with the intention of offering up prayers to the
gods in a penitent spirit of piety. Whilst occupied in her devotions one day
she was surprised by a small ball of brilliantly coloured feathers falling
upon her from on high. She was pleased by the bright variety of its hues,
and placed it in her bosom, intending to offer it up to the sun-god. Some
time afterwards she learnt that she was to become the mother of another
child. Her sons, hearing of this, rained abuse upon her, being incited to
humiliate her in every possible way by their sister Coyolxauhqui.
Coatlicue went about in fear and anxiety; but the spirit of her unborn
infant came and spoke to her and gave her words of encouragement, soothing
her troubled heart. Her sons, however, were resolved to wipe out what they
considered an insult to their race by the death of their mother, and took
counsel with one another to slay her. They attired themselves in their war-
gear, and arranged their hair after the manner of warriors going to battle.
But one of their number, Quauitlicac, relented, and confessed the perfidy of
his brothers to the still unborn Huitzilopochtli, who replied to him: "O
brother, hearken attentively to what I have to say to you. I am fully
informed of what is about to happen." With the intention of slaying their
mother, the Indians went in search of her. At their head marched their
sister, Coyolxauhqui. They were armed to the teeth, and carried bundles of
darts with which theyintended to kill the luckless Coatlicue.
Quauitlicac climbed the mountain to acquaint Huitzilopochtli with the news
that his brothers were approaching to kill their mother.
"Mark well where they are at," replied the infant god. "To what place have
they advanced?"
"To Tzompantitlan," responded Quauitlicac.
Later on Huitzilopochtli asked: "Where may they be now?"
"At Coaxalco", was the reply.
Once more Huitzilopochtli asked to what point his enemies had advanced.
"They are now at Petlac," Quauitlicac replied.
After a little while Quauitlicac informed Huitzilopochtli that the
Centzonuitznaua were at hand under the leadership of Coyolxauhqui. At the
moment of the enemy's arrival Huitzilopochtli was born, flourishing a shield
and spear of a blue colour. He was painted, his head was surmounted by a
panache, and his left leg was covered with feathers. He shattered
Coyolxauhqui with a flash of serpentine lightning, and then gave chase to
the Centzonuitznaua, whom he pursued four times round the mountain. They did
not attempt to defend themselves, but fled incontinently. Many perished in
the waters of the adjoining lake, to which they had rushed in their despair.
All were slain save a few who escaped to a place called Uitzlampa, where
they surrendered to Huitzilopochtli and gave up their arms.
The name Huitzilopochtli signifies "Humming-bird to the left from the
circumstance that the god wore the feathers of the humming-bird, or colibri,
on his left leg. From this it has been inferred that he was a humming-bird
totem. The explanation of Huitzilopochtli's origin is a little deeper than
this, however. Among the American tribes, especially those of the northern
continent, the serpent is regarded with the deepest veneration as the symbol
of wisdom and magic. From these sources come success in war. The serpent
also typifies the lightning, the symbol of the divine spear, the apotheosis
of warlike might. Fragments of serpents are regarded as powerful war-physic
among many tribes. Atatarho, a mythical wizard-king of the Iroquois, was
clothed with living serpents as with a robe, and his myth throws light on
one of the names of Huitzilopochtli's mother, Coatlantona (Robe of
Serpents). Huitzilopochtli's image was surrounded by serpents, and rested on
serpent-shaped supporters. His sceptre was a single snake, and his great
drum was of serpent-skin.
In American mythology the serpent is closely associated with the bird. Thus
the name of the god Quetzalcoatl is translatable as "Feathered Serpent," and
many similar cases where the conception of bird and serpent have been
unified could be adduced. Huitzilopochtli is undoubtedly one of these. We
may regard him as a god the primary conception of whom arose from the idea
of the serpent, the symbol of warlike wisdom and might, the symbol of the
warrior's dart or spear, and the humming-bird, the harbinger of summer, type
of the season when the snake or lightning god has power over the crops.
Huitzilopochtli was usually represented as wearing on his head a waving
panache or plume of hummingbirds' feathers. His face and limbs were striped
with bars of blue, and in his right hand he carried four spears. His left
hand bore his shield, on the surface of which were displayed five tufts of
down, arranged in the form of a quincunx. The shield was made with reeds,
covered with eagle's down. The spear he brandished was also tipped with
tufts of down instead of flint. These weapons were placed in the hands of
those who as captives engaged in the sacrificial fight, for in the Aztec
mind Hultzilopochtli symbolised the warrior's death on the gladiatorial
stone of combat. As has been said, Huitzilopochtli was war-god of the
Aztecs, and was supposed to have led them to the site of Mexico from their
original home in the north. The city of Mexico took its name from one of its
districts, which was designated by a title of Huitzilopochtli's, Mexitli
(Hare of the Aloes).
The War,God as Fertiliser
But Huitzilopochtli was not a war-god alone. As the serpent-god of lightning
he had a connection with summer, the season of lightning, and therefore had
dominion to some extent over the crops and fruits of the earth. The
Algonquian Indians of North America believed that the rattlesnake could
raise ruinous storms or grant favourable breezes. They alluded to it also as
the symbol of life, for the serpent has a phallic significance because of
its similarity to the symbol of generation and fructification. With some
American tribes also, notably the Pueblo Indians of Arizona, the serpent has
a solar significance, and with tail in mouth symbolises the annual round of
the sun. The Nahua believed that Huitzilopochtli could grant them fair
weather for the fructification of their crops, and they placed an image of
Tlaloc, the rain-god, near him, so that, if necessary, the war-god could
compel the rainmaker to exert his pluvial powers or to abstain from the
creation of floods. We must, in considering the nature of this deity, bear
well in mind the connection in the Nahua consciousness between the pantheon,
war, and the food-supply. If war was not waged annually the gods must go
without flesh food and perish, and if the gods succumbed the crops would
fail, and famine would destroy the race. So it was small wonder that
Huitzilopochtli was one of the chief gods of Mexico.
Huitzilopochtli's principal festival was the Toxcatl, celebrated immediately
after the Toxcatl festival of Tezcatlipoca, to which it bore a strong
resemblance. Festivals of the god were held in May and December, at the
latter of which an imaze of him, moulded in dough kneaded with the blood of
sacrificed children, was pierced by the presiding priest with an arrow-an
act significant of the death of Huitzilopochtli until his resurrection in
the next year.
Strangely enough, when the absolute supremacy of Tezcatlipoca is remembered,
the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli, the Mexicatl Teohuatzin, was considered
to be the religious head of the Mexican priesthood. The priests of
Huitzilopochtli held office by right of descent, and their primate exacted
absolute obedience from the priesthoods of all the other deities, being
regarded as next to the monarch himself in power and dominion.
Tlaloc, the Rain,God
Tlaloc was the god of rain and moisture. In a country such as Mexico, where
the success or failure of the crops depends entirely upon the plentiful
nature or otherwise of the rainfall, he was, it will be readily granted, a
deity of high importance. It was believed that he made his home in the
mountains which surround the valley of Mexico, as these were the source of
the local rainfall, and his popularity is vouched for by the fact that
sculptured representations of him occur more often than those of any other
of the Mexican deities. He is generally represented in a semi-recumbent
attitude, with the upper part of the body raised upon the elbows, and the
knees half drawn up, probably to represent the mountainous character of the
country whence comes the rain. He was espoused to Chalchihuitlicue (Emerald
Lady), who bore him a numerous progeny, the Tlalocs (Clouds). Many of the
figures which represented him were carved from the green stone called
chalchiuitl (jadeite), to typify the colour of water, and in some of these
he was shown holding a a serpent of gold to typify the lightning, for water-
gods are often closely identified with the thunder, which hangs over the
hills and accompanies heavy rains. Tlaloc, like his prototype, the Kiche god
Hurakan, manifested himself in three forms, as the lightning-flash, the
thunderbolt, and the thunder. Although his image faced the east, where he
was supposed to have originated, he was worshipped as inhabiting the four
cardinal points and every mountain-top. The colours of the four points of
the compass, yellow, green, red, and blue, whence came the rain-bearing
winds, entered into the composition of his costume, which was further
crossed with streaks of silver, typifying the mountain torrents. A vase
containing every description of grain was usually placed before his idol, an
offering of the growth which it was hoped he would fructify. He dwelt in a
many-watered paradise called Tlalocan (The Country of Tlaloc), a place of
plenty and fruitfulness, where those who had been drowned or struck by
lightning or had died from dropsical diseases enjoyed eternal bliss. Those
of the common people who did not die such deaths went to the dark abode of
Mictlan, the all-devouring and gloomy Lord of Death.
In the native manuscripts Tlaloc is usually portrayed as having a dark
complexion, a large round eye, a row of tusks, and over the lips an angular
blue stripe curved downward and rolled up at the ends. The latter character
is supposed to have been evolved originally from the coils of two snakes,
their mouths with long fangs in the upper jaw meeting in the middle of the
upper lip. The snake, besides being symbolised by lightning in many American
mythologies, is also symbolical of water, which is well typified in its
sinuous movements.
Many maidens and children were annually sacrificed to Tlaloc. If the
children wept it was regarded as a happy omen for a rainy season. The
Etzalqualiztli (When they eat Bean Food) was his chief festival, and was
held on a day approximating to May 13, about which date the rainy season
usually commenced. Another festival in his honour, the Quauitleua, commenced
the Mexican year on February 2. At the former festival the priests of Tlaloc
plunged into a lake, imitating the sounds and movements of frogs, which, as
denizens of water, were under the special protection of the god.
Chalchihuitlicue, his wife, was often symbolised by the small image of a
frog.
Sacrifices to Tlaloc
Human sacrifices also took place at certain points in the mountains where
artificial ponds were consecrated to Tlaloc. Cemeteries were situated in
their vicinity, and offerings to the god interred near the burial-place of
the bodies of the victims slain in his service. His statue was placed on the
highest mountain of Tezcuco, and an old writer mentions that five or six
young children were annually offered to the god at various points, their
hearts torn out, and their remains interred. The mountains Popocatepetl and
Teocuinani were regarded as his special high places, and on the heights of
the latter was built his temple, in which stood his image carved in green
stone.
The Nahua believed that the constant production of food and rain induced a
condition of senility in those deities whose duty it was to provide them.
This they attempted to stave off, fearing that if they failed in so doing
the gods would perish. They afforded them, accordingly, a period of rest and
recuperation, and once in eight years a festival called the Atamalqualiztli
(Fast of Porridge-balls and Water) was held, during which every one in the
Nahua community returned for the time being to the conditions of savage
life. Dressed in costumes representing all forms of animal and bird life,
and mimicking the sounds made by the various creatures they typified, the
people danced round the teocalli of Tlaloc for the purpose of diverting and
entertaining him after his labours in producing the fertilising rains of the
past eight years. A lake was filled with water-snakes and frogs, and into
this the people plunged, catching the reptiles in their mouths and devouring
them alive. The only grain food which might be partaken during this season
of rest was thin water-porridge of maize.
Should one of the more prosperous peasants or yeomen deem a rainfall
necessary to the growth of his crops, or should he fear a drought, he sought
out one of the professional makers of dough or paste idols, whom he desired
to mould one of Tlaloc. To this image offerings of maize-porridge and pulque
were made. Throughout the night the farmer and his neighbours danced,
shrieking and howling round the figure for the purpose of rousing Tlaloc
from his droughtbringing slumbers. Next day was spent in quaffing huge
libations of pulque, and in much-needed rest from the exertions of the
previous night.
In Tlaloc it is easy to trace resemblances to a mythological conception
widely prevalent among the indigenous American peoples. He is similar to
such deities as the Hurakan of the Kiche of Guatemala, the Pillan of the
aborigines of Chile, and Con, the thunder-god of the Collao of Peru. Only
his thunderous powers are not so apparent as his rain-making abilities, and
in this he differs somewhat from the gods alluded to.
Quetzalcoatl
It is highly probable that Quetzalcoatl was a deity of the pre-Nahua people
of Mexico. He was regarded by the Aztec race as a god of somewhat alien
character, and had but a limited following in Mexico, the city of
Huitzilopochtli. In Cholula, however, and others of the older towns his
worship flourished exceedingly. He was regarded as "The Father of the
Toltecs," and, legend says, was the seventh and youngest son of the Toltec
Abraham, Iztacmixcohuatl. Quetzalcoatl (whose name means "Feathered Serpent
" or "Feathered Staff ") became, at a relatively early period, ruler of
Tollan, and by his enlightened sway and his encouragement of the liberal
arts did much to further the advancement of his people. His reign had lasted
for a period sufficient to permit of his placing the cultivated arts upon a
satisfactory basis when the country was visited by the cunning magicians
Tezcatlipoca and Coyotlinaual, god of the Amantecas. Disentangled from its
terms of myth, this statement may be taken to imply that bands of invading
Nahua first began to appear within the Toltec territories. Tezcatlipoca,
descending from the sky in the shape of a spider by way of a fine web,
proffered him a draught of pulque, which so intoxicated him that the curse
of lust descended upon him, and he forgot his chastity with Quetzalpetlatl.
The doom pronounced upon him was the hard one of banishment, and he was
compelled to forsake Anahuac. His exile wrought peculiar changes upon the
face of the country. He secreted his treasures of gold and silver, burned
his palaces, transformed the cacao-trees into mezquites, and banished all
the birds from the neighbourhood of Tollan. The magicians, nonplussed at
these unexpected happenings, begged him to return, but he refused on the
ground that the sun required his presence. He proceeded to Tabasco, the
fabled land of Tlapallan, and, embarking upon a raft made of serpents,
floated away to the east. A slightly different version of this myth has
already been given. Other accounts state that the king cast himself upon a
funeral pyre and was consumed, and that the ashes arising from the
conflagration flew upward and were changed into birds of brilliant plumage.
His heart also soared into the sky, and became the morning star. The
Mexicans averred that Quetzalcoatl died when the star became visible, and
thus they bestowed upon him the title "Lord of the Dawn." They further said
that when he died he was invisible for four days, and that for eight days he
wandered in the underworld, after which time the morning star appeared, when
he achieved resurrection, and ascended his throne as a god.
It is the contention of some authorities that the myth of Quetzalcoatl
points to his status as god of the sun. That luminary, they say, begins his
diurnal journey in the east, whence Quetzalcoatl returned as to his native
home. It will be recalled that Montezuma and his subjects imagined that
Cortés was no other than Quetzalcoatl, returned to his dominions, as an old
prophecy declared he would do. But that he stood for the sun itself is
highly improbable, as will be shown. First of all, however, it will be well
to pay some attention to other theories concerning his origin.
Perhaps the most important of these is that which regards Quetzalcoatl as a
god of the air. He is connected, say some, with the cardinal points, and
wears the insignia of the cross, which symbolises them. Dr. Seler says of
him: "He has a protruding, trumpet-like mouth, for the wind-god blows. . . .
His figure suggests whirls and circles. Hence his temples were built in
circular form. . . . The head of the wind-god stands for the second of the
twenty day signs, which was called Ehecatl (Wind)." The same authority,
however, in his essay on Mexican chronology, gives to Quetzalcoatl a dual
nature, " the dual nature which seems to belong to the wind-god
Quetzalcoatl) who now appears simply a wind-god, and again seems to show the
true, characters of the old god of fire and light." [Bulletin 28 of the U.S.
Bureau of Ethnology.]
Dr. Brinton perceived in Quetzalcoatl a similar dual nature. "He is both
lord of the eastern light and of the winds, he writes (Myths of the New
World, P. 214)- "Like all the dawn heroes, he too was represented as of
white complexion, clothed in long, white robes, and, as many of the Aztec
gods, with a full and flowing beard. . . . He had been overcome by
Tezcatloca, the wind or spirit of night, who had descended from heaven by a
spider's web, and presented his rival with a draught supposed to confer
immortality, but in fact producing an intolerable longing for home. For the
wind and the light both depart when the gloaming draws near, or when the
clouds spread their dark and shadowy webs along the mountains, and pour the
vivifying rain upon the fields."
The theory which derives Quetzalcoatl from a "culture-hero " who once
actually existed is scarcely reconcilable with probability. It is more than
likely that, as in the case of other mythical paladins, the legend of a
mighty hero arose from the somewhat weakened idea of a great deity. Some of
the early Spanish missionaries professed to see in Quetzalcoatl the Apostle
St. Thomas, who had journeyed to America to effect its conversion!
The Man of the Sun
A more probable explanation of the origin of Quetzalcoatl and a more likely
elucidation of his nature is that which would regard him as the Man of the
Sun, who has quitted his abode for a season for the purpose of inculcating
in mankind those arts which represent the first steps in civilisation, who
fulfils his mission, and who, at a late period, is displaced by the deities
of an invading race. Quetzalcoatl was represented as a traveller with staff
in hand, and this is proof of his solar character, as is the statement that
under his rule the fruits of the earth flourished more abundantly than at
any subsequent period. The abundance of gold said to have been accumulated
in his reign assists the theory, the precious metal being invariably
associated with the sun by most barbarous peoples. In the native pinturas it
is noticeable that the solar disc and semidisc are almost invariably found
in connection with the feathered serpent as the symbolical attributes of
Quetzalcoad. The Hopi Indians of Mexico at the present day symbolise the sun
as a serpent, tail in mouth, and the ancient Mexicans introduced the solar
disc in connection with small images of Quetzalcoatl, which they attached to
the head-dress. In still other examples Quetzalcoatl is pictured as if
emerging or stepping from the luminary, which is represented as his
dwelling-place.
Several tribes tributary to the Aztecs were in the habit of imploring
Quetzalcoatl in prayer to return and free them from the intolerable bondage
of the conqueror. Notable among them were the Totonacs, who passionately
believed that the sun, their father, would send a god who would free them
from the Aztec yoke. On the coming of the Spaniards the European conquerors
were hailed as the servants of Quetzalcoatl, thus in the eyes of the natives
fulfilling the tradition that he would return.
Various Forms of Quetzalcoatl
Various conceptions of Quetzalcoad are noticeable in the mythology of the
territories which extended from the north of Mexico to the marshes of
Nicaragua. In Guatemala the Kiches recognised him as Gucumatz, and in
Yucatan proper he was worshipped as Kukulcan, both of which names are but
literal translations of his Mexican title of "Feathered Serpent" into Kiche
and Mayan. That the three deities are one and the same there can be no
shadow of doubt. Several authorities have seen in Kukulcan a "serpent-and-
rain god." He can only be such in so far as he is a solar god also. The cult
of the feathered snake in Yucatan was unquestionably a branch of sun-
worship. In tropical latitudes the sun draws the clouds round him at noon.
The rain falls from the clouds accompanied by thunder and lightning-the
symbols of the divine serpent. Therefore the manifestations of the heavenly
serpent were directly associated with the sun, and no statement that
Kukulcan is a mere serpent-and-water god satisfactorily elucidates his
characteristics.
Quetzalcoatl's Northern Origin
It is by no means improbable that Quetzalcoatl was of northern origin, and
that on his adoption by southern peoples and tribes dwelling in tropical
countries his characteristics were gradually and unconsciously altered in
order to meet the exigencies of his environment. The mythology of the
Indians of British Columbia, whence in all likelihood the Nahua originally
came, is possessed of a central figure bearing a strong resemblance to
Quetzalcoad. Thus the Thlingit tribe worship Yetl; the Quaquiutl Indians,
Kanikilak; the Salish people of the coast, Kumsnöotl, Quäaqua, or Släalekam.
It is noticeable that these divine beings are worshipped as the Man of the
Sun, and totally apart from the luminary himself, as was Quetzalcoatl in
Mexico. The Quaquiutl believe that before his settlement among them for the
purpose of inculcating in the tribe the arts of life, the sun descended as a
bird, and assumed a human shape. Kanikilak is his son, who, as his emissary,
spreads the arts of civilisation over the world. So the Mexicans believed
that Quetzalcoatl descended first of all in the form of a bird, and was
ensnared in the fowler's net of the Toltec hero Hueymatzin.
The titles bestowed upon Quetzalcoatl by the Nahua show that in his solar
significance he was god of the vault of the heavens, as well as merely son
of the sun. He was alluded to as Ehecatl (The Air), Yolcuat (The
Rattlesnake), Tohil (The Rumbler), Nanihehecatl (Lord of the Four Winds),
Tlauizcalpantecutli (Lord of the Light of the Dawn). The whole heavenly
vault was his, together with all its phenomena. This would seem to be in
direct opposition to the theory that Tezcatlipoca was the supreme god of the
Mexicans. But it must be borne in mind that Tezcatlipoca was the god of a
later age, and of a fresh body of Nahua immigrants, and as such inimical to
Quetzalcoatl, who was probably in a similar state of opposition to Itzamna,
a Maya deity of Yucatan.
The Worship of Quetzalcoatl
The worship of Quetzalcoatl was in some degree antipathetic to that of the
other Mexican deities, and his priests were a separate caste. Although human
sacrifice was by no means so prevalent among his devotees, it is a mistake
to aver, as some authorities have done, that it did not exist in connection
with his worship. A more acceptable sacrifice to Quetzalcoatl appears to
have been the blood of the celebrant or worshipper, shed by himself. When we
come to consider the mythology of the Zapotecs, a people whose Customs and
beliefs appear to have formed a species of link between the Mexican and
Mayan civilisations, we shall find that their high-priests occasionally
enacted the legend of Quetzalcoad in their own persons, and that their
worship, which appears to have been based upon that of Quetzalcoatl, had as
one of its most pronounced characteristics the shedding of blood. The
celebrant or devotee drew blood from the vessels lying under the tongue or
behind the ear by drawing across those tender parts a cord made from the
thorn-covered fibres of the agave. The blood was smeared over the mouths of
the idols. In this practice we can perceive an act analogous to the
sacrificial substitution of the part for the whole, as obtaining in early
Palestine and many other countries-a certain sign that tribal or racial
opinion has contracted a disgust for human sacrifice, and has sought to
evade. the anger of the gods by yielding to them a ortion of the blood of
each worshipper, instead of sacrificing the life of one for the general
weal.
The Maize-Gods of Mezico
A special group of deities called Centeotl presided over the agriculture of
Mexico, each of whom personified one or other of the various aspects of the
maize-plant. The chief goddess of maize, however, was Chicomecohuatl (Seven-
serpent), her name being an allusion to the fertilising power of water,
which element the Mexicans symbolised by the serpent. As Xilonen she
typified the xilote, or green ear of the maize. But it is probable that
Chicomecohuatl was the creation of an older race, and that the Nahua new-
comers adopted or brought with them another growth-spirit, the"Earth-
mother," Teteoinnan (Mother of the Gods), or Tocitzin (Our Grandmother).
This goddess had a son, Centeotl, a male maize-spirit. Sometimes the mother
was also known as Centeotl, the generic name for the entire group, and this
fact has led to some confusion in the minds of Americanists. But this does
not mean that Chicomecohuatl was by any means neglected. Her spring
festival, held on April 5, was known as Hueytozoztli (The Great Watch), and
was accompanied by a general fast, when the dwellings of the Mexicans were
decorated with bulrushes which had been sprinkled with blood drawn from the
extremities of the inmates. The statues of the little tepitoton (household
gods) were also decorated. The worshippers then proceeded to the maize-
fields, where they pulled the tender stalks of the growing maize, and,
having decorated them with flowers, placed them in the calpulli (the common
house of the village). A mock combat then took place before the altar of
Chicomecohuatl. The girls of the village presented the goddess with bundles
of maize of the previous season's harvesting, later restoring them to the
granaries in order that they might be utilised for seed for the coming year.
Chicomecohuatl was always represented among the household deities of the
Mexicans, and on the occasion of her festival the family placed before the
image a basket of provisions sur. mounted by a cooked frog, bearing on its
back a piece of cornstalk stuffed with pounded maize and vegetables. This
frog was symbolic of Chalchihuitlicue, wife of TIaloc, the rain-god, who
assisted Chicomecohuatl in providg a bountiful harvest. In order that the
soil might rther benefit, a frog, the symbol of water, was sacrificed, so
that its vitality should recuperate that of the weary and much-burdened
earth.
The Sacrifice of the Dancer
A more important festival of Chicomecohuatl, however, was the Xalaquia,
which lasted from June 28 to July 14, commencing when the maize plant had
attained its full growth. The women of the pueblo (village) wore their hair
unbound, and shook and tossed it so that by sympathetic magic the maize
might take the hint and grow correspondingly long. Chian pinolli was
consumed in immense quantities, and maize porridge was eaten. Hilarious
dances were nightly performed in the teopan (temple), the central figure in
which was the Xalaquia, a female captive or slave, with face painted red and
yellow to represent the colours of the maize-plant. She had previously under
gone a long course of training in the dancing-school, and now, all unaware
of the horrible fate awaiting her, she danced and pirouetted gaily among the
rest. Throughout the duration of the stival she danced and on its expiring
night she was accompanied in the dance by the women of the community, who
circled round her, chanting the deeds of Chicomecohuatl. When daybreak
appeared the company was joined by the chiefs and headmen, who, along with
the exhausted and half-fainting victim, danced the solemn death-dance. The
entire community then approached the teocalli (pyramid of sacrifice), and,
its summit reached, the victim was stripped to a nude condition, the priest
plunged a knife of flint into her bosom, and, tearing out the still
palpitating heart, offered it up to Chicomecohuatl. In this manner the
venerable goddess, weary with the labours of inducing growth in the maize-
plant, was supposed to be revivified and refreshed. Hence the name Xalaquia,
which signifies "She who is clothed with the Sand." Until the death of the
victim it was not lawful to partake of the new corn.
The general appearance of Chicomecohuatl was none too pleasing. Her image
rests in the National Museum in Mexico, and is girdled with snakes. On the
underside the symbolic frog is carved. The Americanists; of the eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries were unequal to the task of elucidating the
origin of the figure, which they designated Teoyaominqui. The first to point
out the error was Payne, in his History of the New World called America,
Vol. i. p. 424. The passage in which he announces his discovery is of such
real interest that it is worth transcribing fully.
An Antiquarian Mare's-Nest
"All the great idols of Mexico were thought to have been destroyed until
this was disinterred among other relics in the course of making new drains
in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico in August 1790. The discovery produced an
immense sensation. The idol was dragged to the court of the University, and
there set up; the Indians began to worship it and deck it with flowers; the
antiquaries, with about the same degree of intelligence, to speculate about
it. What most puzzled them was that the face and some other parts of the
goddess are found in duplicate at the back or the figure; hence they
concluded it to represent two gods in one, the principal of whom they
further concluded to be a female, the other, indicated by the back, a male.
The standard author on Mexican antiquities at that time was the Italian
dilettante Boturini, of whom it may be said that he is better, but not much
better, than nothing at all. From page 27 of his work the antiquaries
learned that Huitzilopochtli was accompanied by the goddess Teoyaominqui,
who was charged with collecting the souls of those slain in war and
sacrifice. This was enough. The figure was at once named Teoyaominqui or
Huitzilopochtli (The One plus the Other), and has been so called ever since.
The antiquaries next elevated this imaginary goddess to the rank of the war-
god's wife. 'A soldier,' says Bardolph, 'is better accommodated than with a
wife': a fortiori, so is a war-god. Besides, as Torquemada (vol, ii. p.47)
says with perfect truth, the Mexicans did not think so grossly of the
divinity as to have married gods or goddesses at all. The figure is
undoubtedly a female. It has no vestige of any weapon about it, nor has it
any limbs. It differs in every particular from the war-god Huitzilopochtli,
every detail of which is perfectly well known. There never was any goddess
called Teoyaominqui. This may be plausibly inferred from the fact that such
a goddess is unknown not merely to Sahagun, Torquemada, Acosta, Tezozomoc,
Duran, and Clavigero, but to all other writers except Boturini. The blunder
of the last-named writer is easily explained. Antonio Leon y Gama, a Mexican
astronomer, wrote an account of the discoveries Of 1790, in which, evidently
puzzled by the name of Teoyaominqui, he quotes a manuscript in Mexican, said
to have been written by an Indian of Tezcuco, who was born in 1528, to the
effect that Teoyaotlatohua and Teoyaominqui were spirits who presided over
the fifteenth of the twenty signs of the fortune-tellers' calendar, and that
those born in this sign would be brave warriors, but would soon die. (As the
fifteenth sign was quauhtli, this is likely enough.) When their hour had
come the former spirit scented them out, the latter killed them. The rubbish
printed about Huitzilopochtli, Teoyaominqui, and Mictlantecutli in
connection with this statue would fill a respectable volume. The reason why
the features were duplicated is obvious. The figure was carried in the midst
of a large crowd. Probably it was considered to be an evil omen if the idol
turned away its face from its worshippers; this the duplicate obviated. So
when the dance was performed round the figure (cf. Janus). This duplication
of the features, a characteristic of the very oldest gods, appears to be
indicated when the numeral ome (two) is prefixed to the title of the deity.
Thus the two ancestors and preservers of the race were called Ometecuhtli
and Omecihuatl (two-chief, two-woman), ancient Toltec gods, who at the
conquest become less prominent in the theology of Mexico, and who are best
represented in that of the Mexican colony of Nicaragua."
The Offering to Centeotl
During her last hours the victim sacrificed at the Xalaquia wore a ritual
dress made from the fibres of the aloe, and with this garment the maize-god
Centeotl was clothed. Robed in this he temporarily represented the earth-
goddess, so that he might receive her sacrifice. The blood of victims was
offered up to him in a vessel decorated with that brilliant and artistic
featherwork which excited such admiration in the breasts of the connoisseurs
and cesthetes of the Europe of the sixteenth century. Upon partaking of this
blood-offering the deity emitted a groan so intense and terrifying that it
has been left on record that such Spaniards as were present became panic-
stricken. This ceremony was followed by another, the nitiçapoloa (tasting of
the soil), which consisted in raising a little earth on one finger to the
mouth and eating it.
As has been said, Centeotl the son has been confounded with Centeotl the
mother, who is in reality the earth-mother Teteoinnan. Each of these deities
bad a teopan (temple) of his or her own, but they were closely allied as
parent and child. But of the two, Centeotl the son was the more important.
On the death of the sacrificed victim her skin was conveyed to the temple of
Centeotl the son, and worn there in the succeeding ritual by the officiating
priests. This gruesome dress is frequently depicted in the Aztec pinturas,
where the skin of the hands, and in some instances the feet, of the victims
can be seen dangling from the wrists and ankles of the priest.
Importance of the Food-Gods
To the Mexicans the deities of most importance to the community as a whole
were undoubtedly the food-gods. In their emergence from the hunting to the
agricultural state of life, when they began to exist almost solely upon the
fruits of the earth, the Mexicans were quick to recognise that the old
deities of the chase, such as Mixcoatl, could not now avail them or succour
them in the same manner as the guardians of the crops and fertilisers of the
soil. Gradually we see these gods, then, advance in power and influence
until at the time of the Spanish invasion we find them paramount. Even the
terrible war-god himself had an agricultural significance, as we have
pointed out. A distinct bargain with the food-gods can be clearly traced,
and is none the less obvious because it was never written or codified. The
covenant was as binding to the native mind as any made betwixt god and man
in ancient Palestine, and included mutual assistance as well as provision
for mere alimentary supply. In no mythology is the understanding between god
and man so clearly defined as in the Nahuan, and in none is its operation
better exemplified.
Xipe
Xipe (The Flayed) was widely worshipped through,out Mexico, and is usually
depicted in the pinturas as being attired in a flayed human skin. At his
special festival, the "Man-flaying," the skins were removed from the victims
and worn by the devotees of the god for the succeeding twenty days. He is
usually represented as of a red colour. In the later days of the Aztec
monarchy the kings and leaders of Mexico assumed the dress or classical
garments of Xipe. This dress consisted of a crown made of feathers of the
roseate spoonbill, the gilt timbrel, the jacket of spoonbill feathers, and
an apron of green feathers lapping over one another in a tile-like pattern.
In the Cozcatzin Codex we see a picture of King Axayacatl dressed as Xipe in
a feather skirt, and having a tiger-skin scabbard to his sword. The hands of
a flayed human skin also dangle over the monarch's wrists, and the feet fall
over his feet like gaiters.
Xipe's shield is a round target covered with the rose-coloured feathers of
the spoonbill, with concentric circles of a darker hue on the surface. There
are examples of it divided into an upper and lower part, the former showing
an emerald on a blue field, and the latter a tiger-skin design. Xipe was
imagined as possessing three forms, the first that of the roseate spoon.
bill, the second that of the blue cotinga, and the last that of a tiger, the
three shapes perhaps corresponding to the regions of heaven, earth, and
hell, or to the three elements, fire, earth, and water. The deities of many
North American Indian tribes show similar variations in form and colour,
which are supposed to follow as the divinity changes his dwelling to north,
south, east, or west. But Xipe is seldom depicted in the pinturas in any
other form but that of the red od) the form in which the Mexicans adopted
him from the Yopi tribe of the Pacific slope. He is the god of human
sacrifice par excellence, and may be regarded as a Yopi equivalent of
Tezcatlipoca.
Nanaliuatl, or Nanauatzin
Nanahuatl (Poor Leper) presided over skin diseases, such as leprosy. It was
thought that persons afflicted with these complaints were set apart by the
moon for his service. In the Nahua tongue the words for "leprous" and
"eczematous " also mean "divine." The myth of Nanahuatl tells how before the
sun was created humanity dwelt in sable and horrid gloom. Only a human
sacrifice could hasten the appearance of the luminary. Metztli (The Moon)
led forth Nanahuatl as a sacrifice, and he was cast upon a funeral pyre, in
the flames of which he was consumed. Metztli also cast herself upon the mass
of flame, and with her death the sun rose above the horizon. There can be no
doubt that the myth refers to the consuming of the starry or spotted night,
and incidentally to the nightly death of the moon at the flaming hour of
dawn.
Xolotl
Xolotl is of southern, possibly Zapotec, origin. He represents either fire
rushing down from the heavens or light flaming upward. It is noticeable that
in the ointuras the picture of the setting sun being devoured by the earth
is nearly always placed opposite his image. He is probably identical with
Nanahuatl, and appears as the representative of human sacrifice. He has also
affinities with Xipe. On the whole Xolotl may be best described as a sun-god
of the more southerly tribes. His head (quaxolvto was one of the most famous
devices for warriors' use, as sacrifice among the Nahua was, as we have
seen, closely associated with warfare.
Xolotl was a mythical figure quite foreign to the peoples of Anahuac or
Mexico, who regarded him as something strange and monstrous. He is alluded
to as the "God of Monstrosities, and, thinks Dr. Seler, the word
"monstrosity" may suitably translate his name. He is depicted with empty
eye-sockets, which circumstance is explained by the myth that when the gods
determined to sacrifice themselves in order to give life and strength to the
newly created sun, Xolotl withdrew, and wept so much that his eyes fell out
of their sockets. This was the Mexican explanation of a Zapotec attribute.
Xolotl was originally the "Lightning Beast" of the Maya or some other
southern folk, and was represented by them as a dog, since that animal
appeared to them to be the creature which he most resembled. But he was by
no means a "natural" dog, hence their conception of him as unnatural. Dr.
Seler is inclined to identify him with the tapir, and indeed Sahagun speaks
of a strange animal-being, tlaca-xolotl, which has "a large snout, large
teeth, hoofs like an ox, a thick hide, and reddish hair"-not a bad
description of the tapir of Central America. Of course to the Mexicans the
god Xolotl was no longer an animal, although he had evolved from one, and
was imagined by them to have the form shown in the accompanying
illustration.
The Fire-God
This deity was known in Mexico under various names, notably Tata (Our
Father), Huehueteotl (Oldest of Gods), and Xiuhtecutli (Lord of the Year).
He was represented as of the colour of fire, with a black face, a headdress
of green feathers, and bearing on his back a yellow serpent, to typify the
serpentine nature of fire. He also bore a mirror of gold to show his
connection with the sun, from which all heat emanates. On rising in the
morning all Mexican families made Xiuhtecutli an offering of a piece of
bread and a drink. He was thus not only, like Vulcan, the god of
thunderbolts and conflagrations, but also the milder deity of the domestic
hearth. Once a year the fire in every Mexican house was extinguished, and
rekindled by friction before the idol of Xiuhtecutli. When a Mexican baby
was born it passed through a baptism of fire on the fourth day, up to which
time a fire, lighted at the time of its birth, was kept burning in order to
nourish its existence.
Mictlan
Mictlantecutli (Lord of Hades) was God of the Dead and of the grim and
shadowy realm to which the souls of men repair after their mortal sojourn.
He is represented in the pinturas as a grisly monster with capacious mouth,
into which fall the spirits of the dead. His terrible abode was sometimes
alluded to as Tlalxicco (Navel of the Earth), but the Mexicans in general
seem to have thought that it was situated in the far north, which they
regarded as a place of famine, desolation, and death. Here those who by the
circumstances of their demise were unfitted to enter the paradise of Tlaloc-
namely, those who had not been drowned or had not died a warrior's death,
or, in the case of women, had not died in childbed-passed a dreary and
meaningless existence. Mictlan was surrounded by a species of demons called
tzitzimimes, and had a spouse, Mictecaciuatl. When we come to discuss the
analogous deity of the Maya we shall see that in all probability Mictlan was
represented by the bat, the animal typical of the underworld. In a preceding
paragraph dealing with the funerary customs we have described thejourney of
the soul to the abode of Mictlan, and the ordeals through which the spirit
of the defunct had to pass ere entering his realm (see p. 37).
Worship of the Planet Venus
The Mexicans designated the planet Venus Citlalpol (The Great Star) and
Tlauizcalpantecutli (Lord of the Dawn). It seems to have been the only star
worshipped by them, and was regarded with considerable veneration. Upon its
rising they stopped up the chimneys of their houses, so that no harm of any
kind might enter with its light. A column called Ilhuicatlan, meaning " In
the Sky," stood in the court of the great temple of Mexico, and upon this a
symbol of the planet was painted. On its reappearance during its usual
circuit, captives were taken before this repre. sentation and sacrificed to
it. It will be remembered that the myth of Quetzalcoatl states that the
heart of that deity flew upward from the funeral pyre on which he was
consumed and became the planet Venus. It is not easy to say whether or not
this myth is anterior to the adoption of the worship of the planet by the
Nahua, for it may be a tale of pre- or post-Nahuan growth. In the tonalamatl
Tlauizcalpantecutli is representcd as lord of the ninth division of thirteen
days, beginning with Ce Coatl (the sign of "One Serpent "). In several of
the pinturas he is represented as having a white body with long red stripes,
while round his eves is a deep black painting like a domino mask, bordered
with small white circles. His lips are a bright vermilion. The red stripes
are probably introduced to accentuate the whiteness of his body, which is
under stood to symbolise the peculiar half-light which emanates from the
planet. The black paint on the face, surrounding the eye, typifies the dark
sky of night. In Mexican and Central American symbolism the eye often
represents light, and here, surrounded by blackness as it is, it is perhaps
almost hieroglyphic. As the star of evening, Tlauizcalpantecutli is some
times shown with the face of a skull, to signify his descent into the
underworld, whither he follows the sun. That the Mexicans and Maya carefully
and accurately observed his periods of revolution is witnessed by the
pinturas.
Sun-Worship
The sun was regarded by the Nahua, and indeed by all the Mexican and Central
American peoples, as the supreme deity, or rather the principal source of
subsistence and life. He was always alluded to as the teotl, the god, and
his worship formed as it were a background to that of all the other gods.
His Mexican name, lpalnemohuani (He by whom Men Live) shows that the
Mexicans regarded him as the rimal source of being, and the heart, the
symbol of life, was looked upon as his special sacrifice. Those who rose at
sunrise to prepare food for the day held up to him on his appearance the
hearts of animals they had slain for cooking, and even the hearts of the
victims to Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli were first held up to the sun,
as if he had a primary right to the sacrifice, before being cast into the
bowl of copal which lay at the feet of the idol. It was supposed that the
luminary rejoiced in offerings of blood, and that it constituted the only
food which would render him sufficiently vigorous to undertake his daily
journey through the heavens. He is often depicted in the pinturas as licking
up the gore of the sacrificial victims with his long tongue-like rays. The
sun must fare well if he was to continue to give life) light, and heat to
mankind.
The Mexicans, as we have already seen, believed that the luminary they knew
had been preceded by others, each of which had been quenched by some awful
cataclysm of nature. Eternity had, in fact, been broken up into epochs,
marked by the destruction of successive suns. In the period preceding that
in whi they lived, a mighty deluge had deprived the sun of life, and some
such catastrophe was apprehended at the end of every "sheaf" of fifty-two
years. The old suns were dead, and the current sun was no more immortal than
they. At the endof oneof the "sheaves" he too would succumb.
Sustaining the Sun
It was therefore necessary to sustain the sun by the daily food of human
sacrifice, for by a tithe of human life alone would he be satisfied.
Naturally a people holding such a belief would look elsewhere than within
their own borders for the material wherewith to placate their deity. This
could be most suitably found among the inhabitants of a neighbouring state.
It thus became the business of the warrior class in the Aztec state to
furnish forth the altars of the gods with human victims. The most suitable
district of supply was the pueblo of Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala, the people of
which were of cognate origin to the Aztecs. The communities had, although
related, been separated for so many generations that they had begun to
regard each other as traditional enemies, and on a given day in the year
their forces met at an appointed spot for the purpose of engaging in a
strife which should furnish one side or the other with a sufficiency of
victims for the purpose of sacrifice. The warrior who captured the largest
number of opponents alive was regarded as the champion of the day, and was
awarded the chief honours of the combat. The sun was therefore the god of
warriors, as he would give them victory in battle in order that they might
supply him with food. The rites of this military worship of the luminary
were held in the Quauhquauhtinchan (House of the Eagles), an armoury set
apart for the regiment of that name. On March 17 and December 1 and 2, at
the ceremonies known as Nauhollin (The Four Motions-alluding to the
quivering appearance of the sun's rays), the warriors gathered in this hall
for the purpose of despatching a messenger to their lord the sun. High up on
the wall of the principal court was a great symbolic representation of the
orb, painted upon a bright coloured cotton hanging. Before this copal and
other Irragrant gums and spices were burned four times a day. The victim, a
war-captive, was placed at the foot of a long staircase leading up to the
Quauhxicalli (Cup of the Eagles), the name of the stone on which he was to
be sacrificed. He was clothed in red striped with white and wore white
plumes in his hair-colours symbolical of the sun-while he bore a staff
decorated with feathers and a shield covered with tufts of cotton. He also
carried a bundle of eagle's feathers and some paint on his shoulders, to
enable the sun, to whom he was the emissary, to paint his face. He was then
addressed by the officiating priest in the following terms: "Sir, we pray
you go to our god the sun, and greet him on our behalf; tell him that his
sons and warriors and chiefs and those who remain here beg of him to
remember them and to favour them from that place where he is, and to receive
this small offering which we send him. Give him this staff to help him on
his journey, and this shield for his defence, and all the rest that you have
in this bundle." The victim, having undertaken to carry the message to the
sun-god, was then despatched upon his long journey.
A Quauhxicalli is preserved in the National Museum of Mexico. It consists of
a basaltic mass, circular in form, on which are shown in sculpture a series
of groups representing Mexican warriors receiving the submission of war-
captives. The prisoner tenders a flower to his captor, symbolical of the
life he is about to offer up, for lives were the "flowers" offered to the
gods, and the campaign in which these "blossoms" were captured was called
Xochiyayotl (The War of Flowers). The warriors who receive the submission of
the captives are represented in the act of tearing the plumes from their
heads. These bas-reliefs occupy the sides of the stone. The face of it is
covered by a great solar disc having eight rays, and the surface is hollowed
out in the middle to form a receptacle for blood-the "cup" alluded to in the
name of the stone. The Quauhxicalli must not be confounded with the
temalacatl (spindle stone), to which the alien warrior who received a chance
of life was secured. The gladiatorial combat gave the war-captive an
opportunity to escape through superior address in arms. The temalacatl was
somewhat higher than a man, and was provided with a platform at the top, in
the middle of which was placed a great stone with a hole in it through which
a rope was passed. To this the war-captive was secured, and if he could
vanquish seven of his captors he was released. If he failed to do so he was
at once sacrificed.
A Mexican Valhalla
The Mexican warriors believed that they continued in the service of the sun
after death, and, like the Scandinavian heroes in Valhalla, that they were
admitted to the dwelling of the god, where they shared all the delights of
his diurnal round. The Mexican warrior dreaded to die in his bed, and craved
an end on the field of battle. This explains the desperate nature of their
resistance to the Spaniards under Cortés, whose officers stated that the
Mexicans seemed to desire to die fighting. After death they believed that
they would partake of the cannibal feasts offered up to the sun and imbibe
the juice of flowers.
The Feast of Totec
The chief of the festivals to the sun was that held in spring at the vernal
equinox, before the representation of a deity known as Totec (Our Great
Chief). Although Totec was a solar deity he had been adopted from the people
of an alien state, the Zapotecs of Zalisco, and is therefore scarcely to be
regarded as the principal sun-god. His festival was celebrated by the
symbolical slaughter of all the other gods for the purpose of providing
sustenance to the sun, each of the gods being figuratively slain in the
person of a victim. Totec was attired in the same manner as the warrior
despatched twice a year to assure the sun of the loyalty of the Mexicans.
The festival appears to have been primarily a seasonal one, as bunches of
dried maize were offered to Totec. But its larger meaning is obvious. It
was, indeed, a commemoration of the creation of the sun. This is proved by
the description of the image of Totec, which was robed and equipped as the
solar traveller, by the solar disc and tables of the sun's progress carved
on the altar employed in the ceremony, and by the robes of the victims, who
were dressed to represent dwellers in the sun-god's halls. Perhaps Totec,
although of alien origin, was the only deity possessed by the Mexicans who
directly represented the sun. As a borrowed god he would have but a minor
position in the Mexican pantheon, but again as the only sun-god whom it was
necessary to bring into prominence during a strictly solar festival he would
be for the time, of course, a very important deity indeed.
Tepeyollotl
Tepeyollotl means Heart of the Mountain, and evidently alludes to a deity
whom the Nahua connected with seismic disturbances and earthquakes. By the
interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis he is called Tepeolotlec, an
obvious distortion of his real name. The interpreter of the codex states
that his name "refers to the condition of the earth after the flood. The
sacrifices of these thirteen days were not good, and the literal translation
of their name is 'dirt sacrifices.' They caused palsy and bad humours. . . .
This Tepeolotlec was lord of these thirteen days. In them were celebrated
the feast to the Jaguar, and the last four preceding days were days of
fasting. . . . Tepeolotlec means the 'Lord of Beasts.' The four feast days
were in honour of the Suchiquezal, who was the man that remained behind on
the earth upon which we now live. This Tepeolotlec was the same as the echo
of the voice when it re-echoes in a valley from one mountain to another.
This name 'jaguar' is given to the earth because the jaguar is the boldest
animal, and the echo which the voice awakens in the mountains is a survival
of the flood, it is said."
From this we can see that Tepeyollotl is a deity of the earth pure and
simple, a god of desert places. It is certain that he was not a Mexican god,
or at least was not of Nahua origin, as he is mentioned by none of those
writers who deal with Nahua traditions, and we must look for him among the
Mixtecs and Zapotecs.
Macuilxochitl, or Xochipilli
This deity, whose names mean Five-Flower and Source of Flowers, was regarded
as the patron of luck in gaming. He may have been adopted by the Nahua from
the Zapotecs, but the converse may be equally true. The Zapotecs represented
him with a design resembling a butterfly about the mouth, and a manycoloured
face which looks out of the open jaws of a bird with a tall and erect crest.
The worship of this god appears to have been very widespread. Sahagun says
of him that a fęte was held in his honour, which was preceded by a rigorous
fast. The people covered themselves with ornaments and jewels symbolic of
the deity, as if they desired to represent him, and dancing and singing
roceeded gaily to the sound of the drum. Offerings of the blood of various
animals followed, and specially prepared cakes were submitted to the god.
This simple fare, however, was later followed by human sacrifices, rendered
by the notables, who brought certain of their slaves for immolation. This
completed the festival.
Father and Mother Gods
The Nahua believed that Ometecutli and Omeciuatl were the father and mother
of the human species. The names signify Lords of Duality or Lords of the Two
Sexes. They were also called Tonacatecutli and Tonacaciuatl (Lord and Lady
of Our Flesh, or of Subsistence). They were in fact regarded as the sexual
essence of the creative deity, or perhaps more correctly of deity in
general. They occupied the first place in the Nahua calendar, to signify
that they had existed from the beginning, and they are usually represented
as being clothed in rich attire. Ometecutli (a literal translation of his
name is Two-Lord) is sometimes identified with the sky and the fire-god, the
female deity representing the earth or water-conceptions similar to those
respecting Kronos and Gća. We refer again to these supreme divinities in the
following chapter (see p. 118).
The Pulque-Gods
When a man was intoxicated with the native Mexican drink of pulque, a liquor
made from the juice of the Agave Americana, he was believed to be under the
influence of a god or spirit. The commonest form under which the drink-god
was worshipped was the rabbit, that animal being considered to be utterly
devoid of sense. This particular divinity was known as Ometochtli. The scale
of debauchery which it was desired to reach was indicated by the number of
rabbits worshipped, the highest number, four hundred, representing the most
extreme degree of intoxication. The chief pulque-gods apart from these were
Patecatl and Tequechmecauiani. If the drunkard desired to escape the perils
of accidental hanging during intoxication, it was necessary to sacrifice to
the latter, but if death by drowning was apprehended Teatlahuiani, the deity
who harried drunkards to a watery grave, was placated. If the debauchee
wished his punishment not to exceed a headache, Quatlapanqui (The Head-
splitter) was sacrificed to, or else Papaztac (The Nerveless). Each trade or
profession had its own Ometochtli, but for the aristocracy there was only
one of these gods, Cohuatzincatl, a name signifying "He who has
Grandparents." Several of these drink-gods had names which connected them
with various localities; for example, Tepoxtecatl was the pulque-god of
Tepoztlan. The calendar day Ometochtli, which means "Two-Rabbit," because of
the symbol which accompanied it, was under the special protection of these
gods, and the Mexicans believed that any one born on that day was almost
inevitably doomed to become a drunkard. All the pulque-gods were closely
associated with the soil, and with the earth-goddess. They wore the golden
Huaxtec nose-ornament, the yaca-metztli, of crescent shape, which
characterised the latter, and indeed this ornament was inscribed upon all
articles sacred to the pulque-gods. Their faces were painted red and black,
as were objects consecrated to them, their blankets and shields. After the
Indians had harvested their maize they drank to intoxication, and invoked
one or other of these gods. On the whole it is safe to infer that they were
originally deities of local husbandry who imparted virtue to the soil as
pulque imparted strength and courage to the warrior. The accompanying sketch
of the god Tepoxtecatl (see p. 117) well illustrates the distinguishing
characteristics of the pulque-god class. Here we can observe the face
painted in two colours, the crescent-shaped nose-ornament, the bicoloured
shield, the long necklace made from the malinalli herb, and the ear-
pendants.
It is of course clear that the drink-gods were of the same class as the
food-gods-patrons of the fruitful soil-but it is strange that they should be
male whilst the food-gods are mostly female.
The Goddesses of Mexico: Metztli
Metztli, or Yohualticitl (The Lady of Night), was the Mexican goddess of the
moon. She had in reality two phases, one that of a beneficent protectress of
harvests and promoter of growth in general, and the other that of a bringer
of dampness, cold, and miasmic airs ghosts, mysterious shapes of the dim
half-light of night and its oppressive silence.
To a people in the agricultural stage of civilisation the moon appears as
the great recorder of harvests. But she has also supremacy over water, which
is always connected by primitive peoples with the moon. Citatli (Moon) and
Atl (Water) are constantly confounded in Nahua myth, and in many ways their
characteristics were blended. It was Metztli who led forth Nanahuatl the
Leprous to the pyre whereon he perished-a reference to the dawn, in which
the starry sky of night is consumed in the fires of the rising sun.
Tlazolteotl
Tlazolteotl (God of Ordure), or Tlaelquani (Filth-eater), was called by the
Mexicans the earth-goddess because she was the eradicator of sins, to whose
priests the people went to make confession so that they might be absolved
from their misdeeds. Sin was symbolised by the Mexicans as excrement.
Confession covered only the sins of immorality. But if Tlazolteotl was the
goddess of confession, she was also the patroness of desire and luxury. It
was, however, as a deity whose chief office was the eradication of human sin
that she was pre-eminent. The process by which this was supposed to be
effected is quaintly described by Sahagun in the twelfth chapter of his
first book. The penitent addressed the confessor as follows: "Sir, I desire
to approach that most powerful god, the protector of all, that is to say,
Tezcatlipoca. I desire to tell him my sins in secret." The confessor
replied: "Be happy, my son: that which thou wishest to do will be to thy
good and advantage." The confessor then opened the divinatory book known as
the Tonalamatl (that is, the Book of the Calendar) and acquainted the
applicant with the day which appeared the most suitable for his confession.
The day having arrived, the penitent provided himself with a mat, copal gum
to burn as incense, and wood whereon to burn it. If he was a person high in
office the priest repaired to his house, but in the case of lesser people
the confession took place in the dwelling of the priest. Having lighted the
fire and burned the incense, the penitent addressed the fire in the
following terms: "Thou, lord, who art the father and mother of the gods, and
the most ancient of them all, thy servant, thy slave bows before thee.
Weeping, he approaches thee in great distress. He comes plunged in grief,
because he has been buried in sin, having backslidden, and partaken of those
vices and evil delights which merit death. O master most compassionate, who
art the upholder and defence of all, receive the penitence and anguish of
thy slave and vassal."
This prayer having concluded, the confessor then turned to the penitent and
thus addressed him: "My son, thou art come into the presence of that god who
is the protector and upholder of all; thou art come to him to confess thy
evil vices and thy hidden uncleannesses; thou art come to him to unbosom the
secrets of thy heart. Take care that thou omit nothing from the catalogue of
thy sins in the presence of our lord who is called Tczcatlipoca. It is
certain that thou art before him who is invisible and impalpable, thou who
art not worthy to be seen before him, or to speak with him. . . ."
The allusions to Tczcatlipoca are, of course, to him in the shape of
Tlazolteotl. Having listened to a sermon by the confessor, the penitent then
confessed his misdeeds, after which the confessor said: "My son, thou hast
before our lord god confessed in his presence thy evil actions. I wish to
say in his name that thou hast an obligation to make. At the time when the
goddesses called Ciuapipiltin descend to earth during the celebration of the
feast of the goddesses of carnal things, whom they name Ixcuinamc, thou
shalt fast during four days, punishing thy stomach and thy mouth. When the
day of the feast of the lxcuinamc arrives thou shalt scarify thy tongue with
the small thorns of the osier [called teocaleacatl or tlazotl], and if that
is not sufficient thou shalt do likewise to thine ears, the whole for
penitence, for the remission of thy sin, and as a meritorious act. Thou wilt
apply to thy tongue the middle of a spine of magucy, and thou wilt scarify
thy shoulders. That done, thy sins will be pardoned."
If the sins of the penitent were not very grave the priest would enjoin upon
him a fast of more or less prolonged nature. Only old men confessed crimes
in veneribus, as the punishment for such was death, and younger men had no
desire to risk the penalty involved, although the priests were enjoined to
strict secrecy.
Father Burgoa describes very fully a ceremony of this kind which came under
his notice in 1652 in the Zapotec village of San Francisco de Cajonos. He
encountered on a tour of inspection an old native cacique, or chief, of
great refinement of manners and of a stately presence, who dressed in costly
garments after the Spanish fashion, and who was regarded by the Indians with
much veneration. This man came to the priest for the purpose of reporting
upon the progress in things spiritual and temporal in his village. Burgoa
recognised his urbanity and wonderful command of the Spanish language, but
perceived by certain signs that he had been taught to look for by long
experience that the man was a pagan. He communicated his suspicions to the
vicar of the village, but met with such assurances of the cacique's
soundness of faith that he believed himself to be in error for once. Shortly
afterwards, however, a wandering Spaniard perceived the chief in a retired
place in the mountains performing idolatrous ceremonies, and aroused the
monks, two of whom accompanied him to the spot where the cacique had been
seen indulging in his heathenish practices. They found on the altar
"feathers of many colours, sprinkled with blood which the Indians had drawn
from the veins under their tongues and behind their ears, incense spoons and
remains of copal, and in the middle a horrible stone figure, which was the
god to whom they had offered this sacrifice in expiation of their sins,
while they made their confessions to the blasphemous priests, and cast off
their sins in the following manner: they had woven a kind of dish out of a
strong herb, specially gathered for this purpose, and casting this before
the priest, said to him that they came to beg mercy of their god, and pardon
for their sins that they had committed during that year, and that they
brought them all carefully enumerated. They then drew out of a cloth pairs
of thin threads made of dry maize husks, that they had tied two by two in
the middle with a knot, by which they represented their sins. They laid
these threads on the dishes of grass, and over them pierced their veins, and
let the blood trickle upon them, and the priest took these offerings to the
idol, and in a long speech he begged the god to forgive these, his sons,
their sins which were brought to him, aiid to permit them to be joyful and
hold feasts to him as their god and lord. Then the priest came back to those
who had confessed, delivered a long discourse on the ceremonies they had
still to perform, and told them that the god had pardoned them and that they
might be glad again and sin anew."
Chalchihuitlicue
This goddess was the wife of Tlaloc, the god of rain and moisture. The name
means Lady of the Emerald Robe, in allusion to the colour of the element
over which the deity partly presided. She was specially worshipped by the
water-carriers of Mexico, and all those whose avocation brought them into
contact with water. Her costume was peculiar and interesting. Round her neck
she wore a wonderful collar of precious stones, from which hung a gold
pendant. She was crowned with a coronet of blue paper, decorated with green
feathers. Her eyebrows were of turquoise, set in as mosaic, and her garment
was a nebulous blue-green in hue, recalling the tint of seawater in the
tropics. The resemblance was heightened by a border of sea-flowers or water-
plants, one of which she also carried in her left hand, whilst in her right
she bore a vase surmounted by a cross, emblematic of the four points of the
compass whence comes the rain.
Mixcoatl
Mixcoatl was the Aztec god of the chase, and was probably a deity of the
Otomi aborigines of Mexico. The name means Cloud Serpent, and this
originated the idea that Mixcoatl was a representation of the tropical
whirlwind. This is scarcely correct, however, as the hunter-god is
identified with the tempest and thunder-cloud, and the lightning is supposed
to represent his arrows. Like many other gods of the chase, he is figured as
having the characteristics of a deer or rabbit. He is usually depicted as
carrying a sheaf of arrows, to typify thunderbolts. It may be that Mixcoatl
was an air and thunder deity of the Otomi, older in origin than either
Quetzalcoatl or Tezcatlipoca, and that his inclusion in the Nahua pantheon
becoming necessary in order to quieten Nahua susceptibilities, he received
the status of god of the chase. But, on the other hand, the Mexicans, unlike
the Peruvians, who adopted many foreign gods for political purposes, had
little regard for the feelings of other races, and only accepted an alien
deity into the native circle for some good reason, most probably because
they noted the omission of the figure in their own divine system. Or, again,
dread of a certain foreign god might force them to adopt him as their own in
the hope of placating him. Their worship of Quetzalcoatl is perhaps an
instance of this.
Camaxtli
This deity was the war-god of the Tlascalans, who were constantly in
opposition to the Aztecs of Mexico. He was to the warriors of Tlascala
practically what Huitzilopochtli was to those of Mexico. He was closely
identified with Mixcoatl, and with the god of the morning star, whose
colours are depicted on his face and body. But in all probability Camaxtli
was a god of the chase, who in later times was adopted as a god of war
because of his possession of the lightning dart, the symbol of divine
warlike prowess. In the mythologies of North America we find similar hunter-
gods, who sometimes evolve into gods of war for a like reason, and again
gods of the chase who have all the appearance and attributes of the
creatures hunted.
Ixtlilton
Ixtlilton (The Little Black One) was the Mexican god of medicine and
healing, and therefore was often alluded to as the brother of Macuilxochitl,
the god of well-being or good luck. From the account of the general
appearance of his temple-in edifice of painted boards-it would seem to have
evolved from the primitive tent or lodge of the medicine-man, or shaman. It
contained several water-jars called tlilatl (black water), the contents of
which were administered to children in bad health. The parents of children
who benefited from the treatment bestowed a feast on the deity, whose idol
was carried to the residence of the grateful father, where ceremonial dances
and oblations were made before it. It was then thought that Ixtlilton
descended to the courtyard to open fresh jars of pulque liquor provided for
the feasters, and the entertainment concluded by an examination by the Aztec
Ćsculapius of such of the pulque jars dedicated to his service as stood in
the courtyard for everyday use. Should these be found in an unclean
condition, it was understood that the master of the house was a man of evil
life, and he was presented by the priest with a mask to hide his face from
his scoffing friends.
Omacatl
Omacatl was the Mexican god of festivity and joy. The name signifies Two
Reeds. He was worshipped chiefly by bon-vivants and the rich, who celebrated
him in splendid feasts and orgies. The idol of the deity was invariably
placed in the chamber where these functions were to take place, and the
Aztecs were known to regard it as a heinous offence if anything derogatory
to the god were performed during the convivial ceremony, or if any omission
were made from the prescribed form which these gatherings usually took. It
was thought that if the host had been in any way remiss Omacatl would appear
to the startled guests, and in tones of great severity upbraid him who had
given the feast, intimating that he would regard him no longer as a
worshipper and would henceforth abandon him. A terrible malady, the symptoms
of which were akin to those of falling-sickness, would shortly afterwards
seize the guests; but as such symptoms are not unlike those connected with
acute indigestion and other gastric troubles, it is probable that the
gourmets who paid homage to the god of good cheer may have been suffering
from a too strenuous instead of a lukewarm worship of him. But the idea of
communion which underlay so many of the Mexican rites undoubtedly entered
into the worship of Omacatl, for prior to a banquet in his honour those who
took part in it formed a great bone out of maize paste, pretending that it
was one of the bones of the deity whose merry rites they were about to
engage in. This they devoured, washing it down with great draughts of
pulque. The idol of Omacatl was provided with a recess in the region of the
stomach, and into this provisions were stuffed. He was represented as a
squatting figure, painted black and white, crowned with a paper coronet, and
hung with coloured paper. A flower-fringed cloak and sceptre were the other
symbols of royalty worn by this Mexican Dionysus.
Opochtli
Opochtli (The Left-handed) was the god sacred to fishers and bird-catchers.
At one period of Aztec history he must have been a deity of considerable
consequence, since for generations the Aztecs were marsh-dwellers and
depended for their daily food on the fish netted in the lakes and the birds
snared in the reeds. They credited the god with the invention of the harpoon
or trident for spearing fish and the fishing-rod and bird-net. The fishermen
and bird-catchers of Mexico held on occasion a special feast in honour of
Opochtli, at which a certain liquor called octli was consumed. A procession
was afterwards formed, in which marched old people who had dedicated
themselves to the worship of the god, probably because they could obtain no
other means of subsistence than that afforded by the vocation of which he
was tutelar and patron. He was represented, as a man painted black, his head
decorated with the plumes of native wild birds, and crowned by a paper
coronet in the shape of a rose. He was clad in green paper which fell to the
knee, and was shod with white sandals. In his left hand he held a shield
painted red, having in the centre a white flower with four petals placed
crosswise, and in his right hand he held a sceptre in the form of a cup.
Yacatecutli
Yacatecutli was the patron of travellers of the merchant class, who
worshipped him by piling their staves together and sprinkling on the heap
blood from their noses and ears. The staff of the traveller was his symbol,
to which prayer was made and ofFerings of flowers and incense tendered.
The Aztec Priesthood
The Aztec priesthood was a hierarchy in whose hands resided a goodly portion
of the power of the upper classes est)ecially that connected with education
and endowment. The mere fact that its members possessed the power of
selecting victims for sacrifice must have been sufficient to place them in
an almost unassailable position, and their prophetic utterances, founded
upon the art of divination-so great a feature in the life of the Aztec
people, who depended upon it from the cradle to the grave-probably assisted
them in maintaining their hold upon the popular imagination. But withal the
evidence of unbiased Spanish ecclesiastics, such as Sahagun, tends to show
that they utilised their influence for good, and soundly instructed the
people under their charge in the cardinal virtues; "in short," says the
venerable friar, "to perform the duties plainly pointed out by natural
religion."
Priestly Revenues
The establishment of the national religion was, as in the case of the
medićval Church in Europe, based upon a land tenure from which the priestly
class derived a substantial though, considering their numbers, by no means
inordinate revenue. The principal temples possessed lands which sufficed for
the maintenance of the priests attached to them. There was, besides, a
system of first-fruits fixed by law for the priesthood, the surplusage
therefrom being distributed among the poor.
Education
Education was entirely conducted by the priesthood, which undertook the task
in a manner highly creditable to it, when consideration is given to
surrounding conditions. Education was, indeed, highly organised. It was
divided into primary and secondary grades. Boys were instructed by priests,
girls by holy women or "nuns." The secondary schools were called calmecac,
and were devoted to the higher branches of education, the curriculum
including the deciphering of the pinturas, or manuscripts, astrology and
divination, with a wealth of religious instruction.
Orders of the Priesthood
At the head of the Aztec priesthood stood the Mexicatl Teohuatzin (Mexican
Lord of Divine Matters). He had a seat on the emperor's council, and
possessed power which was second only to the royal authority. Next in rank
to him was the highpriest of Quetzalcoatl, who dwelt in almost entire
seclusion, and who had authority over his own caste only. This office was in
all probability a relic from "Toltec" times. The priests of Quetzalcoatl
were called by name after their tutelar deity. The lesser grades included
the Tlenamacac (Ordinary Priests), who were habited in black, and wore their
hair long, covering it with a kind of mantilla. The lowest order was that of
the Lamacazton (Little Priests), youths who were graduating in the priestly
office.
An Exacting Ritual
The priesthood enjoyed no easy existence, but led an austere life of
fasting, penance, and prayer, with constant observance of an arduous and
exacting ritual, which embraced sacrifice, the upkeep of perpetual fires,
the chanting of holy songs to the gods, dances, and the superintendence of
the ever-recurring festivals. They were required to rise during the night to
render praise, and to maintain themselves in a condition of absolute
cleanliness by means of constant ablutions. We have seen that blood-
offering-the substitution of the part for the whole-was a common method of
sacrifice, and in this the priests engaged personally on frequent occasions.
If the caste did not spare the people it certainly did not spare itself, and
its outlook was perhaps only a shade more gloomy and fanatical than that of
the Spanish hierarchy which succeeded it in the land.
CHAPTER III: MYTHS AND LEGENDS OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS
The Mexican Idea of the Creation
"IN the year and in the day of the clouds," writes Garcia in his Origin de
los Indias, professing to furnish the reader with a translation of an
original Mixtec picture-manuscript, "before ever were years or days, the
world lay in darkness. All things were orderless, and a water covered the
slime and ooze that the earth then was." This picture is common to almost
all American creation-stories. [See the author's article on "American
Creation-Myths" in the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. iv.] The
red man in general believed the habitable globe to have been created from
the slime which arose above the primeval waters, and there can be no doubt
that the Nahua shared this belief. We encounter in Nahua myth two beings of
a bisexual nature, known to the Aztecs as Ometecutli-Omeciuatl (Lords of
Duality), who were represented as the deities dominating the genesis of
things, the beginning of the world. We have already become acquainted with
them in Chapter II (see p. 104), but we may recapitulate. These beings,
whose individual names were Tonacatecutli and Tonacaciuatl (Lord and Lady of
our Flesh), occupy the first place in the calendar, a circumstance which
makes it plain that they were regarded as responsible for the origin of all
created things. They were invariably represented as being clothed in rich,
variegated garments, symbolical of light. Tonacatecutli, the male principle
of creation or world-generation, is often identified with the sun- or fire-
god, but there is no reason to consider him as symbolical of anything but
the sky. The firmament is almost universally regarded by American aboriginal
peoples as the male principle of the cosmos, in contradistinction to the
earth, which they think of as possessing feminine attributes, and which is
undoubtedly personified in this instance by Tonacaciuatl.
In North American Indian myths we find the Father Sky brooding upon the
Mother Earth, just as in early Greek creation-story we see the elements
uniting, the firmament impregnating the soil and rendering it fruitful. To
the savage mind the growth of crops and vegetation proceeds as much from the
sky as from the earth. Untutored man beholds the fecundation of the soil by
rain, and, seeing in everything the expression of an individual and personal
impulse, regards the genesis of vegetable growth as analogous to human
origin. To him, then, the sky is the life-giving male principle, the
fertilising seed of which descends in rain. The earth is the receptive
element which hatches that with which the sky has impregnated her.
Ixtlilxochitl's Legend of the Creation
One of the most complete creation-stories in Mexican mythology is that given
by the half-blood Indian author Ixtlilxochitl, who, we cannot doubt,
received it directly from native sources. He states that the Toltecs
credited a certain Tloque Nahuaque (Lord of All Existence) with the creation
of the universe, the stars, mountains, and animals. At the same time he made
the first man and woman, from whom all the inhabitants of the earth are
descended. This "first earth" was destroyed by the "water-sun." At the
commencement of the next epoch the Toltecs appeared, and after many
wanderings settled in Huehue Tlapallan (Very Old Tlapallan). Then followed
the second catastrophe, that of the "wind-sun." The remainder of the legend
recounts how mighty earthquakes shook the world and destroyed the earth-
giants. These earth-giants (Quinames) were analogous to the Greek Titans,
and were a source of great uneasiness to the Toltecs. In the opinion of the
old historians they were descended from the races who inhabited the more
northerly portion of Mexico.
Creation-Story of the Mixtecs
It will be well to return for a moment to the creation story of the Mixtecs,
which, if emanating from a somewhat isolated people in the extreme south of
the Mexican Empire, at least affords us a vivid picture of what a folk
closely related to the Nahua race regarded as a veritable account of the
creative process. When the earth had arisen from the primeval waters, one
day the deer-god, who bore the surname Puma-Snake, and the beautiful deer-
goddess, or Jaguar-Snake, appeared. They had human form, and with their
great knowledge (that is, with their magic) they raised a high cliff over
the water, and built on it fine palaces for their dwelling. On the summit of
this cliff they laid a copper axe with the edge upward, and on this edge the
heavens rested. The palaces stood in Upper Mixteca, close to Apoala, and the
cliff was called Place where the Heavens Stood. The gods lived happily
together for many centuries, when it chanced that two little boys were born
to them, beautiful of form and skilled and experienced in the arts. From the
days of their birth they were named Wind-Nine-Snake (Viento de Neuve
Culebras) and Wind-Nine-Cave (Viento de Neuve Cavernas). Much care was given
to their education, and they possessed the knowledge of how to change
themselves into an eagle or a snake, to make themselves invisible, and even
to pass through solid bodies.
After a time these youthful gods decided to make an offering and a sacrifice
to their ancestors. Taking incense vessels made of clay, they filled them
with tobacco, to which they set fire, allowing it to smoulder. The smoke
rose heavenward, and that was the first offering (to the gods). Then they
made a garden with shrubs and flowers, trees and fruit-bearing plants, and
sweet-scented herbs. Adjoining this they made a grass-grown level place (un
prado), and equipped it with everything necessary for sacrifice. The pious
brothers lived contentedly on this piece of ground, tilled it, burned
tobacco, and with prayers, vows, and promises they supplicated their
ancestors to let the light appear, to let the water collect in certain
places and the earth be freed from its covering (water), for they had no
more than that little garden for their subsistence. In order to strengthen
their prayer they pierced their ears and their tongues with pointed knives
of flint, and sprinkled the blood on the trees and plants with a brush of
willow twigs.
The deer-gods had more sons and daughters, but there came a flood in which
many of these perished. After the catastrophe was over the god who is called
the Creator of All Things formed the heavens and the earth, and restored the
human race.
Zapotec Creation Myth
Among the Zapotecs, a people related to the Mixtecs, we find a similar
conception of the creative process. Cozaana is mentioned as the creator and
maker of all beasts in the valuable Zapotec dictionary of Father Juan de
Cordova, and Huichaana as the creator of men and fishes. Thus we have two
separate creations for men and animals. Cozaana would appear to apply to the
sun as the creator of all beasts, but, strangely enough, is alluded to in
Cordova's dictionary as "procreatrix," whilst he is undoubtedly a male
deity. Huichaana, the creator of men and fishes, is, on the other hand,
alluded to as "water," or "the element of water, and "goddess of
generation." She is certainly the Zapotec female part of the creative
agency. In the Mixtec creation-myth we can see the actual creator and the
first pair of tribal gods, who were also considered the progenitors of
animals-to the savage equal inhabitants of the world with himself. The names
of the brothers Nine-Snake and Nine-Cave undoubtedly allude to light and
darkness, day and night. It may be that these deities are the same as
Quetzalcoatl and Xolotl (the latter a Zapotec deity), who were regarded as
twins. In some ways Quetzalcoatl was looked upon as a creator, and in the
Mexican calendar followed the Father and Mother, or original sexual deities,
being placed in the second section as the creator of the world and man.
The Mexican Noah
Flood-myths, curiously enough, are of more common occurrence among the Nahua
and kindred peoples than creation-myths. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg has
translated one from the Codex Chimalpopoca, a work in Nahuatl dating from
the latter part of the sixteenth century. It recounts the doings of the
Mexican Noah and his wife as follows:
"And this year was that of Ce-calli, and on the first day all was lost. The
mountain itself was submerged in the water, and the water remained tranquil
for fifty-two springs.
"Now toward the close of the year Titlacahuan had forewarned the man named
Nata and his wife Nena, saying, 'Make no more pulque, but straightway hollow
out a large cypress, and enter it when in the month Tozoztli the water shall
approach the sky.' They entered it, and when Titlacahuan had closed the door
he said, 'Thou shalt eat but a single ear of maize) and thy wife but one
also.'
"As soon as they had finished eating, they went forth, and the water was
tranquil; for the log did not move any more; and opening it they saw many
fish.
"Then they built a fire, rubbing together pieces of wood, and they roasted
fish. The gods Citallinicue and Citallatonac, looking below, exclaimed,
'Divine Lord, what means that fire below? Why do they thus smoke the
heavens?'
"Straightway descended Titlacahuan-Tezcatlipoca, and commenced to scold,
saying, 'What is this fire doing here?' And seizing the fishes he moulded
their hinder parts and changed their heads, and they were at once
transformed into dogs."
The Myth of the Seven Caverns
But other legends apart from the creation-stories of the world pure and
simple deal with the origin of mankind. The Aztecs believed that the first
men emerged from a place known as Chicomoztoc (The Seven Caverns), located
north of Mexico. Various writers have seen in these mythic recesses the
fabulous "seven cities of Cibola" and the Casas Grandes, ruins of extensive
character in the valley of the river Gila, and so forth. But the allusion to
the magical number seven in the myth demonstrates that the entire story is
purely imaginary and possesses no basis of fact. A similar story occurs
among the myths of the Kiche of Guatemala and the Peruvians.
The Sacrificed Princess
Coming to semi-historical times, we find a variety of legends connected with
the early story of the city of Mexico. These for the most part are of a
weird and gloomy character, and throw much light on the dark fanaticism of a
people which could immolate its children on the altars of implacable gods.
It is told how after the Aztecs had built the city of Mexico they raised an
altar to their war-god Huitzilopochtli. In general the lives rendered to
this most sanguinary of deities were those of prisoners of war, but in times
of public calamity he demanded the sacrifice of the noblest in the land. On
one occasion his oracle required that a royal princess should be offered on
the high altar. The Aztec king, either possessing no daughters of his own or
hesitating to sacrifice them, sent an embassy to the monarch of Colhuacan to
ask for one of his daughters to become the symbolical mother of
Huitzilopochtli. The King of Colhuacan, suspecting nothing amiss, and highly
flattered at the distinction, delivered up the girl, who was escorted to
Mexico, where she was sacrificed with much pomp, her skin being flayed off
to clothe the priest who represented the deity in the festival. The unhappy
father was invited to this hideous orgy, ostensibly to witness his
daughter's deification. In the gloomy chambers of the war-god's temple he
was at first unable to mark the trend of the horrid ritual. But, given a
torch of copal-gum, he saw the officiating priest clothed in his daughter's
skin, receiving the homage of the worshippers. Recognising her features, and
demented with grief and horror, he fled from the temple, a broken man, to
spend the remainder of his days in mourning for his murdered child.
The Fugitive Prince
One turns with relief from such a sanguinary tale to the consideration of
the pleasing semi-legendary accounts of Ixtlilxochitl regarding the
civilisation of Tezcuco, Mexico's neighbour and ally. We have seen in the
sketch of Nahua history which has been given how the Tecpanecs overcame the
Acolhuans of Tezcuco and slew their king about the year 108. Nezahualcoyotl
(Fasting Coyote), the heir to the Tezcucan throne, beheld the butchery of
his royal father from the shelter of a tree close by, and succeeded in
making his escape from the invaders. His subsequent thrilling adventures
have been compared with those of the Young Pretender after the collapse of
the "Forty-five" resistance. He had not enjoyed many days of freedom when he
was captured by those who had set out in pursuit of him, and, being haled
back to his native city, was cast into prison. He found a friend in the
governor of the place, who owed his position to the prince's late father,
and by means of his assistance he succeeded in once more escaping from the
hostile Tecpanecs. For aiding Nezahualcoyotl, however, the governor promptly
paid the penalty of death. The royal family of Mexico interceded for the
hunted youth, and he was permitted to find an asylum at the Aztec court,
whence he later proceeded to his own city of Tczcuco, occupying apartments
in the palace where his father had once dwelt. For eight years he remained
there, existing unnoticed on the bounty of the Tecpanec chief who had
usurped the throne of his ancestors.
Maxtla the Fierce
In course of time the original Tecpanec conqueror was gathered to his
fathers, and was succeeded by his son Maxtla, a ruler who could ill brook
the studious prince, who had journeyed to the capital of the Tecpanecs to do
him homage. He refused Nezahualcoyotl's advances of friendship, and the
latter was warned by a favourably disposed courtier to take refuge in
flight. This advice he adopted, and returned to Tczcuco, where, however,
Maxtla set a snare for his life. A function which took place in the evening
afforded the tyrant his chance. But the prince's preceptor frustrated the
conspiracy, by means of substituting for his charge a youth who strikingly
resembled him. This second failure exasperated Maxtla so much that he sent a
military force to Tezcuco, with orders to despatch Nezahualcoyotl without
delay. But the same vigilant person who had guarded the prince so well
before became apprised of his danger and advised him to fly. To this advice,
however, Nezahualcoyotl refused to listen, and resolved to await the
approach of his enemies.
A Romantic Escape
When they arrived he was engaged in the Mexican ball-game of tlachtli. With
great politeness he requested them to enter and to partake of food. Whilst
they refreshed themselves he betook himself to another room, but his action
excited no surprise, as he could be seen through the open doorway by which
the apart. ments communicated with each other. A huge censer, however, stood
in the vestibule, and the clouds of incense which arose from it hid his
movements from those who had been sent to slay him. Thus obscured, he
succeeded in entering a subterranean passage which led to a large disused
water-pipe, through which he crawled and made his escape.
A Thrilling Pursuit
For a season Nezahualcoyotl evaded capture by hiding in the hut of a zealous
adherent. The hut was searched, but the pursuers neglected to look below a
heap of maguey fibre used for making cloth, under which he lay concealed.
Furious at his enemy's escape, Maxtla now ordered a rigorous search, and a
regular battue of the country round Tezcuco was arranged. A large reward was
offered for the capture of Nezahual coyotl dead or alive, along with a fair
estate and the hand of a noble lady, and the unhappy prince was forced to
seek safety in the mountainous country between Tezcuco and Tlascala. He
became a wretched outcast, a pariah lurking in caves and woods, prowling
about after nightfall in order to satisfy his hunger, and seldom having a
whole night's rest, because of the vigilance of his enemies. Hotly pursued
by them he was compelled to seek some curious place concealment in order to
save himself. On one occasion he was hidden by some friendly soldiers inside
a large drum, and on another he was concealed beneath some chia stalks by a
girl who was engaged in reaping them. The loyalty of the Tezcucan peasantry
to their hunted prince was extraordinary, and rather than betray his
whereabouts to the creatures of Maxtla they on many occasions suffered
torture, and even death itself At a time when his affairs appeared most
gloomy, however, Nezahualcoyotl experienced a change of fortune. The
tyrannous Maxtla had rendered himself highly unpopular by his many
oppressions, and the people in the territories he. had annexed were by no
means contented under his rule.
The Defeat of Maxtla
These malcontents decided to band themselves together to defy the tyrant,
and offered the command of the force thus raised to Nezahualcoyotl. This he
accepted, and the Tecpanec usurper was totally defeated in a general
engagement. Rcstored to the throne of his fathers, Nezahualcoyotl allied
himself with Mexico, and with the assistance of its monarch completely
routed the remaining force of Maxtla, who was seized in the baths of
Azcapozalco, haled forth and sacrificed, and his city destroyed.
The Solon of Anahuac
Nezahualcoyotl profited by the hard experiences he had undergone, and proved
a wise and just ruler. The code of laws framed by him was an exceedingly
drastic one, but so wise and enlightened was his rule that on the whole he
deserves the title which has been conferred upon him of "the Solon of
Anahuac." He generously encouraged the arts, and established a Council of
Music, the purpose of which was to supervise artistic endeavour of every
description. In Nezahualcoyotl Mexico found, in all probability, her
greatest native poet. An ode of his on the mutability of life displays much
nobility of thought, and strikingly recalls the sentiments expressed in the
verses of Omar Khayyám.
Nezahualcoyotl's Theology
Nezahualcoyotl is said to have erected a temple to the Unknown God, and to
have shown a marked reference for the worship of one deity. In one Whis
poems he is credited with expressing the following exalted sentiments: "Let
us aspire to that heaven where all is eternal, and corruption cannot come.
The horrors of the tomb are the cradle of the sun, and the dark shadows of
death arc brilliant lights for the stars." Unfortunately these ideas cannot
be verified as the undoubted sentiments of the royal bard of Tezcuco, and we
are regretfully forced to regard the attribution as spurious. We must come
to such a conclusion with very real disappointment, as to discover an
untutored and spontaneous belief in one god in the midst of surroundings so
little congenial to its growth would have been exceedingly valuable from
several points of view.
The Poet Prince
We find Nezahualcoyotl's later days stained by an act which was unworthy of
such a great monarch and wise man. His eldest son, the heir to the crown,
entered into an intrigue with one of his father's wives, and dedicated many
passionate poems to her, to which she replied with equal ardour. The
poetical correspondence was brought before the king, who prized the lady
highly because of her beauty. Outraged in his most sacred feelings,
Nezahualcoyotl had the youth arraigned before the High Court, which passed
sentence of death upon him-a sentence which his father permitted to be
carried out. After his son's execution he shut himself up in his palace for
some months, and gave orders that the doors and windows of the unhappy young
man's residence should be built up so that never again might its walls echo
to the sound of a human voice.
The Queen with a Hundred Lovers
In his History of the Chichimeca Ixtlilxochitl tells the following gruesome
tale regarding the dreadful fate of a favourite wife of Nezahualpilli, the
son of Nezahualcoyotl: When Axaiacatzin, King of Mexico, and other lords
sent their daughters to King Nezahualpilli, for him to choose one to be his
queen and lawful wife, whose son might succeed to the inheritance, she who
had the highest claims among them, for nobility of birth and rank, was
Chachiuhnenetzin, the young daughter of the Mexican king. She had been
brought up by the monarch in a separate palace, with great pomp, and with
numerous attendants, as became the daughter of so great a monarch. The
number of servants attached to her household exceeded two thousand. Young as
she was, she was exceedingly artful and vicious; so that, finding herself
alone, and seeing that her people feared her on account of her rank and
importance, she began to give way to an unlimited indulgence of her power.
Whenever she saw a young man who pleased her fancy she gave secret orders
that he should be brought to her, and shortly afterwards he would be put to
death. She would then order a statue or effigy of his person to be made,
and, adorning it with rich clothing, gold, and jewellery, place it in the
apartment in which she lived. The number of statues of those whom she thus
sacrificed was so great as to almost fill the room. When the king came to
visit her, and inquired respecting these statues, she answered that they
were her gods; and he, knowing how strict the Mexicans were in the worship
of their false deities, believed her. But, as no iniquity can be long
committed with entire secrecy, she was finally found out in this manner:
Three of the young men, for some reason or other, she had left alive. Their
names were Chicuhcoatl, Huitzilimitzin, and Maxtla, one of whom was lord of
Tesoyucan and one of the grandees of the kingdom, and the other two nobles
of high rank. It happened that one day the king recognised on the apparel of
one of these a very precious jewel which he had given to the queen; and
although he had no fear of treason on her part it gave him some uneasiness.
Proceeding to visit her that night, her attendants told him she was asleep,
supposing that the king would then return, as he had done at other times.
But the affair of the jewel made him insist on entering the chamber in which
she slept; and, going to wake her, he found only a statue in the bed,
adorned with her hair, and closely resembling her. Seeing this, and noticing
that the attendants around were in much trepidation and alarm, the king
called his guards, and, assembling all the people of the house, made a
general search for the queen, who was shortly found at an entertainment with
the three young lords, who were arrested with her. The king referred the
case to the judges of his court, in order that they might make an inquiry
into the matter and examine the parties implicated. These discovered many
individuals, servants of the queen, who had in some way or other been
accessory to her crimes-workmen who had been engaged in making and adorning
the statues, others who had aided in introducing the young men into the
palace, and others, again, who had put them to death and concealed their
bodies. The case having been sufficiently investigated, the king despatched
ambassadors to the rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan, giving them information of
the event, and signifying the day on which the punishment of the queen and
her accomplices was to take place; and he likewise sent through the empire
to summon all the lords to bring their wives and their daughters, however
young they might be, to be witnesses of a punishment which he designed for a
great example. He also made a truce with all the enemies of the empire, in
order that they might come freely to see it. The time having arrived, the
number of people gathered together was so great that, large as was the city
of Tezcuco, they could scarcely all find room in it. The execution took
place publicly, in sight of the whole city. The queen was put to the
garrotte (a method of strangling by means of a rope twisted round a stick),
as well as her three gallants; and, from their being persons of high birth,
their bodies were burned, together with the effigies before mentioned. The
other parties who had been accessory to the crimes) who numbered more than
two thousand persons, were also put to the garrotte, and burned in a pit
made for the purpose in a ravine near a temple of the Idol of Adulterers.
All applauded so severe and exemplary a punishment, except the Mexican
lords, the relatives of the queen, who were much incensed at so public an
example, and, although for the time they concealed their resentment,
meditated future revenge. It was not without reason, says the chronicler,
that the king experienced this disgrace in his household, since he was thus
punished for an unworthy subterfuge made use of by his father to obtain his
mother as a wife!
This Nezahualpilli, the successor of Nezahualcoyotl, was a monarch of
scientific tastes, and, as Torquemada states, had a primitive observatory
erected in his palace.
The Golden Age of Tezcuco
The period embraced by the life of this monarch and his predecessor may be
regarded as the Golden Age of Tezcuco, and as semi-mythical. The palace of
Nezahualcoyotl, according to the account of Ixtlilxochitl, extended east and
west for 1234 yards, and for 978 yards from north to south. Enclosed by a
high wall, it contained two large courts, one used as the municipal market-
place, whilst the other was surrounded by administrative offices. A great
hall was set apart for the special use of poets and men of talent, who held
symposiums under its classic roof, or engaged in controversy in the
surrounding corridors. The chronicles of the kingdom were also kept in this
portion of the palace. The private apartments of the monarch adjoined this
College of Bards. They were gorgeous in the extreme, and their description
rivals that of the fabled Toltec city of Tollan. Rare stones and beautifully
coloured plaster mouldings alternated with wonderful tapestries of splendid
feather-work to make an enchanting display of florid decoration, and the
gardens which surrounded this marvellous edifice were delightful retreats,
where the lofty cedar and cypress overhung sparkling fountains and luxurious
baths. Fish darted hither and thither in the ponds, and the aviaries echoed
to the songs of birds of wonderful plumage.
A Fairy Villa
According to Ixtlilxochitl, the king's villa of Tezcotzinco was a residence
which for sheer beauty had no equal in Persian romance, or in those dream-
tales of Araby which in childhood we feel to be true, and in later life
regretfully admit can only be known again by sailing the sea of Poesy or
penetrating the mist-locked continent of Dream. The account which we have
from the garrulous half-blood reminds us of the stately pleasure-dome
decreed by Kubla Khan on the turbulent banks of the sacred Alph. A conical
eminence was laid out in hanging gardens reached by an airy flight of five
hundred and twenty marble steps. Gigantic walls contained an immense
reservoir of water, in the midst of which was islanded a great rock carved
with hieroglyphs describing the principal events in the reign of
Nezahualcoyotl. In each of three other reservoirs stood a marble statue of a
woman, symbolical of one of the three provinces of Tezcuco. These great
basins supplied the gardens beneath with a perennial flow of water, so
directed as to leap in cascades over artificial rockeries or meander among
mossy retreats with refreshing whisper, watering the roots of odoriferous
shrubs and flowers and winding in and out of the shadow of, the cypress
woods. Here and there pavilions of marble arose over porphyry baths, the
highly polished stone of which reflected the bodies of the bathers. The
villa itself stood amidst a wilderness of stately cedars, which shielded it
from the torrid heat of the Mexican sun. The architectural design of this
delightful edifice was light and airy in the extreme, and the perfume of the
surrounding gardens filled the spacious apartments with the delicious
incense of nature. In this paradise the Tezcucan monarch sought in the
company of his wives repose from the oppression of rule, and passed the lazy
hours in gamesome sport and dance. The surrounding woods afforded him the
pleasures of the chase, and art and nature combined to render his rural
retreat a centre of pleasant recreation as well as of repose and
refreshment.
Disillusionment
That some such palace existed on the spot in question it would be absurd to
deny, as its stupendous pillars and remains still litter the terraces of
Tezcotzinco. But, alas! we must not listen to the vapourings of the
untrustworthy Ixtlilxochitl, who claims to have seen the place. It will be
better to turn to a more modern authority, who visited the site about
seventy-five years ago, and who has given perhaps the best account of it. He
says:
"Fragments of pottery, broken pieces of obsidian knives and arrows, pieces
of stucco, shattered terraces, and old walls were thickly dispersed over its
whole surface. We soon found further advance on horseback impracticable,
and, attaching our patient steeds to the nopal bushes, we followed our
Indian guide on foot, scrambling upwards over rock and through tangled
brushwood. On gaining the narrow ridge which connects the conical hill with
one at the rear, we found the remains of a wall and causeway; and, a little
higher, reached a recess, where, at the foot of a small precipice, overhung
with Indian fig and grass, the rock had been wrought by hand into a flat
surface of large dimensions. In this perpendicular wall of rock a carved
Toltec calendar existed formerly; but the Indians, finding the place visited
occasionally by foreigners from the capital, took it into their heads that
there must be a silver vein there, and straightway set to work to find it,
obliterating the sculpture, and driving a level beyond it into the hard rock
for several yards. From this recess a few minutes' climb brought us to the
summit of the hill. The sun was on the point of setting over the mountains
on the other side of the valley, and the view spread beneath our feet was
most glorious. The whole of the lake of Tezcuco, and the country and
mountains on both sides, lay stretched before us.
"But, however disposed, we dare not stop long to gaze and admire, but,
descending a little obliquely, soon came to the so-called bath, two singular
basins, of perhaps two feet and a half diameter, cut into a bastion-like
solid rock, projecting from the general outline of the hill, and surrounded
by smooth carved seats and grooves, as we supposed-for I own the whole
appearance of the locality was perfectly inexplicable to me. I have a
suspicion that many of these horizontal planes and grooves were contrivances
to aid their astronomical observations, one like that I have mentioned
having been discovered by de Gama at Chapultepec.
"As to Montezuma's Bath, it might be his foot-bath if you will, but it would
be a moral impossibility for any monarch of larger dimensions than Oberon to
take a duck in it.
"The mountain bears the marks of human industry to its very apex, many of
the blocks of porphyry of which it is composed being quarried into smooth
horizontal planes. It is impossible to say at present what portion of the
surface is artificial or not, such is the state of confusion obscrvable in
every part.
"By what means nations unacquainted with the use iron constructed works of
such a smooth polish, in rocks of such hardness, it is extremely difficult
to say. Many think tools of mixed tin and copper were employed; others, that
patient friction was one of the main means resorted to. Whatever may have
been the real appropriation of these inexplicable ruins,or the epoch of
their construction, there can be no doubt but the whole of this hill, which
I should suppose rises five or six hundred feet above the level of the
plain, was covered with artificial works of one kind or another. They are
doubtless rather of Toltec than of Aztec origin, and perhaps with still more
probability attributable to a people of an age yet more remote."
The Noble Tlascalan
As may be imagined regarding a community where human sacrifice was rife,
tales concerning those who were consigned to this dreadful fate were
abundant. Perhaps the most striking of these is that relating to the noble
Tlascalan warrior Tlalhuicole, who was captured in combat by the troops of
Montezuma. Less than a year before the Spaniards arrived in Mexico war broke
out between the Huexotzincans and the Tlascalans, to the former of whom the
Aztecs acted as allies. On the battlefield there was captured by guile a
very valiant Tlascalan leader called Tlalhuicole, so renowned for his
prowess that the mere mention of his name was generally sufficient to deter
any Mexican hero from attempting his capture. He was brought to Mexico in a
cage, and presented to the Emperor Montezuma, who, on learning of his name
and renown, gave him his liberty and overwhelmed him with honours. He
further granted him permission to return to his own country, a boon he had
never before extended to any captive. But Tlalhuicole refused his freedom,
and replied that he would prefer to be sacrificed to the gods, according to
the usual custom. Montezuma, who had the highest regard for him) and prized
his life more than any sacrifice, would not consent to his immolation. At
this juncture war broke out between Mexico and the Tarascans, and Montezuma
announced the appointment of Tlalhuicole as chief of the cxpeditionary
force. He accepted the command, marched against the Tarascans, and, having
totally defeated them, returned to Mexico laden with an enormous booty and
crowds of slaves. The city rang with his triumph. The emperor begged him to
become a Mexican citizen, but he replied that on no account would he prove a
traitor to his country. Montezuma then once more offered him his liberty,
but he strenuously refused to return to Tlascala, having undergone the
disgrace of defeat and capture. He begged Montezuma to terminate his unhappy
existence by sacrificing him to the gods, thus ending the dishonour he felt
in living on after having undergone defeat, and at the same time fulfilling
the highest aspiration of his life-to die the death of a warrior on the
stone of combat. Montezuma, himself the noblest pattern of Aztec chivalry,
touched at his request, could not but agree with him that he had chosen the
most fitting fate for a hero, and ordered him to be chained to the stone of
combat, the blood-stained temalacatl. The most renowned of the Aztec
warriors were pitted against him, and the emperor himself graced the
sanguinary tournament with his presence. Tlalhuicole bore himself in the
combat like a lion, slew eight warriors of renown, and wounded more than
twenty. But at last he fell, covered with wounds, and was haled by the
exulting priests to the altar of the terrible war-god Huitzilopochtli, to
whom his heart was offered up.
The Haunting Mothers
It is only occasionally that we encounter either the gods or supernatural
beings of any description in Mexican myth. But occasionally we catch sight
of such beings as the Ciuapipiltin (Honoured Women), the spirits of those
women who had died in childbed, a death highly venerated by the Mexicans,
who regarded the woman who perished thus as the equal of a warrior who met
his fate in battle. Strangely enough, these spirits were actively
malevolent, probably because the moon-goddess (who was also the deity of
evil exhalations) was evil in her tendencies, and they were regarded as
possessing an affinity to her. It was supposed that they afflicted infants
with various diseases, and Mexican parents took every precaution not to
permit their offspring out of doors on the days when their influence was
believed to be strong. They were said to haunt the cross-roads, and even to
enter the bodies of weakly people, the better to work their evil will. The
insane were supposed to be under their especial visitation. Temples were
raised at the cross-roads in order to placate them, and loaves of bread,
shaped like butterflies, were dedicated to them. They were represented as
having faces of a dead white, and as blanching their arms and hands with a
white powder known as tisatl. Their eyebrows were of a golden hue, and their
raiment was that of Mexican ladies of the ruling class.
The Return of Papantzin
One of the weirdest legends in Mexican tradition recounts how Papantzin, the
sister of Montezuma II, returned from her tomb to prophesy to her royal
brother concerning his doom and the fall of his empire at the hands of the
Spaniards. On taking up the reins of government Montezuma had married this
lady to one of his most illustrious servants, the governor of Tlatelulco,
and after his death it would appear that she continued to exercise his
almost vice regal functions and to reside in his palace. In course of time
she died, and her obsequies were attended by the emperor in person,
accompanied by the greatest personages of his court and kingdom. The body
was interred in a subterranean vault of his own palace, in close proximity
to the royal baths, which stood in a sequestered part of the extensive
grounds surrounding the royal residence. The entrance to the vault was
secured by a stone slab of moderate weight, and when the numerous ceremonies
prescribed for the interment of a royal personage had been completed the
emperor and his suite retired. At daylight next morning one of the royal
children, a little girl of some six years of age, having gone into the
garden to seek her governess, espied the Princess Papan standing near the
baths. The princess, who was her aunt, called to her, and requested her to
bring her governess to her. The child did as she was bid, but her governess,
thinking that imagination had played her a trick, paid little attention to
what she said. As the child persisted in her statement, the governess at
last followed her into the garden, where she saw Papan sitting on one of the
steps of the baths. The sight of the supposed dead princess filled the woman
with such terror that she fell down in a swoon. The child then went to her
mother's apartment, and detailed to her what had happened. She at once
proceeded to the baths with two of her attendants, and at sight of Papan was
also seized with affright. But the princess reassured her, and asked to be
allowed to accompany her to her apartments, and that the entire affair
should for the present be kept absolutely secret. Later in the day she sent
for Tiçotzicatzin, her majordomo, and requested him to inform the emperor
that she desired to speak with him immediately on matters of the greatest
importance. The man, terrified, begged to be excused from the mission, and
Papan then gave orders that her uncle Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcuco, should
be communicated with. That monarch, on receiving her request that he should
come to her, hastened to the palace. The princess begged him to see the
emperor without loss of time and to entreat him to come to her at once.
Montezuma heard his story with surprise mingled with doubt. Hastening to his
sister, he cried as he approached her: "Is it indeed you, my sister, or some
evil demon who has taken your likeness?" "It is I indeed, your Majesty," she
replied. Montezuma and the exalted personages who accompanied him then
seated themselves, and a hush of expectation fell upon all as they were
addressed by the princess in the following words:
"Listen attentively to what I am about to relate to you. You have seen me
dead, buried, and now behold me alive again. By the authority of our
ancestors, my brother, I am returned from the dwellings of the dead to
prophesy to you certain things of prime importance.
Papantzin's Story
"At the moment after death I found myself in a spacious valley, which
appeared to have neither commencement nor end, and was surrounded by lofty
mountains. Near the middle I came upon a road with many branching paths. By
the side of the valley there flowed a river of considerable size, the waters
of which ran with a loud noise. By the borders of this I saw a young man
clothed in a long robe, fastened with a diamond, and shining like the sun,
his visage bright as a star. On his forehead was a sign in the figure of a
cross. He had wings, the feathers of which gave forth the most wonderful and
glowing reflections and colours. His eyes were as emeralds, and his glance
was modest. He was fair, of beautiful aspect and imposing presence. He took
me by the hand and said: 'Come hither. It is not yet time for you to cross
the river. You possess the love of God, which is greater than you know or
can comprehend.' He then conducted me through the valley, where I espied
many heads and bones of dead men. I then beheld a number of black folk,
horned, and with the feet of deer. They were engaged in building a house,
which was nearly completed. Turning toward the east for a space, I beheld on
the waters of the river a vast number of ships manned by a great host of men
dressed differently from ourselves. Their eyes were of a clear grey, their
complexions ruddy, they carried banners and ensigns in their hands and wore
helmets on their heads. They called themselves 'Sons of the Sun.' The youth
who conducted me and caused me to see all these things said that it was not
yet the will of the gods that I should cross the river, but that I was to be
reserved to behold the future with my own eyes, and to enjoy the benefits of
the faith which these strangers brought with them; that the bones I beheld
on the plain were those of my countrymen who had died in ignorance of that
faith, and had consequently suffered great torments; that the house being
builded by the black folk was an edifice prepared for those who would fall
in battle with the seafaring strangers whom I had seen; and that I was
destined to return to my compatriots to tell them of the true faith, and to
announce to them what I had seen that they might profit thereby."
Montezuma hearkened to these matters in silence, and felt greatly troubled.
He left his sister's presence without a word, and, regaining his own
apartments, plunged into melancholy thoughts.
Papantzin's resurrection is one of the best authenticated incidents in
Mexican history, and it is a curious fact that on the arrival of the Spanish
Conquistadores one of the first persons to embrace Christianity and receive
baptism at their hands was the Princess Papan.
CHAPTER IV: THE MAYA RACE AND MYTHOLOGY
The Maya
It was to the Maya-the people who occupied the territory between the isthmus
of Tehuantepec and Nicaragua-that the civilisation of Central America owed
most. The language they spoke was quite distinct from the Nahuatl spoken by
the Nahua of Mexico, and in many respects their customs and habits were
widely different from those of the people of Anahuac. It will be remembered
that the latter were the heirs of an older civilisation, that, indeed, they
had entered the valley of Mexico as savages, and that practically all they
knew of the arts of culture was taught them by the remnants of the people
whom they dispossessed. It was not thus with the Maya. Their arts and
industries were of their own invention, and bore the stamp of an origin of
considerable antiquity. They were, indeed, the supreme intellectual race of
America, and on their coming into contact with the Nahua that people
assimilated sufficient of their culture to raise them several grades in the
scale of civilisation.
Were the Maya Toltecs?
It has already been stated that many antiquarians see in the Maya those
Toltecs who because of the inroads of barbarous tribes quitted their native
land of Anahuac and journeyed southward to seek a new home in Chiapas and
Yucatan. It would be idle to attempt to uphold or refute such a theory in
the absolute dearth of positive evidence for or against it. The
architectural remains of the older race of Anahuac do not bear any striking
likeness to Maya forms, and if the mythologies of the two peoples are in
some particulars alike, that may wellbe accounted for by their mutual
adoption of deities and religious customs. On the other hand) it is
distinctly noteworthy that the cult of the god Quetzalcoatl, which was
regarded in Mexico as of alien origin, had a considerable vogue among the
Maya and their allied races.
The Maya Kingdom
On the arrival of the Spaniards (after the celebrated march of Cortés from
Mexico to Central America) the Maya were divided into a number of subsidiary
states which remind us somewhat of the numerous little kingdoms of
Palestine. That these had hived off from an original and considerably
greater state there is good evidence to show, but internal dissension had
played havoc with the polity of the central government of this empire, the
disintegration of wh ch had occurred at a remote period. In the semi-
historical legends of this people we catch glimpses of a great kingdom,
occasionally alluded to as the "Kingdom of the Great Snake," or the empire
of Xibalba, realms which have been identified with the ruined city-centres
of Palenque and Mitla. These identifications must be regarded with caution,
but the work of excavation will doubtless sooner or later assist theorists
in coming to conclusions which will admit of nodoubt. The sphere of Maya
civilisation and influence is prettywell marked,and embracesthe peninsula of
Yucatan, Chiapas, to the isthmus of Tehuantepec on the north, and the whole
of Guatemala to the boundaries of the present republic of San Salvador. The
true nucleus of Maya civilisation, however, must be looked for in that part
of Chiapas which skirts the banks of the Usumacinta river and in the valleys
of its tributaries. Here Maya art and architecture reached a height of
splendour unknown elsewhere, and in this district, too, the strange Maya
system of writing had its most skilful exponents. Although the arts and
industries of the several districts inhabited by people of Maya race
exhibited many superficial differences, these are so small as to make us
certain of the fact that the various areas inhabited by Maya stock had all
drawn their inspiration toward civilisation from one common nucleus, and had
equally passed through a uniform civilisation and drawn sap from an original
culture-centre.
The Maya Dialects
Perhaps the most effectual method of distinguishing thevarious branches of
the Maya people from one another consists in dividing them into linguistic
groups. The various dialects spoken by the folk of Maya, origin, although
they exhibit some considerable difference, yet display strongly that
affinity of construction and resemblance in root which go to prove that they
all emanate from one common mother-tongue. In Chiapas the Maya tongue itself
is the current dialect, whilst in Guatemala no less than twenty-four
dialects are in use, the principal of which are the Quiche, or Kiche, the
Kakchiquel, the Zutugil, Coxoh Chol, and Pipil. These dialects and the folk
who speak them are sufficient to engage our attention, as in them are
enshrined the most remarkable myths and legends of the race, and by the men
who used them were the greatest acts in Maya history achieved.
Whence came the Maya?
Whence came these folk, then, who raised a civilisation by no means inferior
to that of ancient Egypt, which, if it had had scope, would have rivalled in
its achievements the glory of old Assyria? We cannot tell. The mystery of
its entrance into the land is as deep as the mystery of the ancient forests
which now bury the remnants of its mighty monuments and enclose its temples
in impenetrable gloom. Generations of antiquarians have attempted to trace
the origin of this race to Egypt, Phnicia, China, Burma. But the manifest
traces of indigenous American origin are present in all its works, and the
writers who have beheld in these likenesses to the art of Asiatic or African
peoples have been grievously misled by superficial resemblances which could
not have betrayed any one who had studied Maya affinities deeply.
Civilisation of the Maya
At the risk of repetition it is essential to point out that civilisation,
which was a newly acquired thing with the Nahua peoples, was not so with the
Maya. They were indisputably an older race, possessing institutions which
bore the marks of generations of use, whereas the Nahua had only too
obviously just entered into their heritage of law and order. When we first
catch sight of the Maya kingdoms they are in the process of disintegration.
Such strong young blood as the virile folk of Anahuac possessed did not flow
in the veins of the people of Yucatan and Guatemala. They were to the Nahua
much as the ancient Assyrians were to the hosts of Israel at the entrance of
the latter into national existence. That there was a substratum of ethnical
and cultural relationship, however, it would be impossible to deny. The
institutions, architecture, habits, even the racial cast of thought of the
two peoples, bore such a general resemblance as to show that many affinities
of blood and cultural relationship existed between them. But it will not do
to insist too strongly upon these. It may be argued with great probability
that these relationships and likenesses exist because of the influence of
Maya civilisation upon Mexican alone, or from the inheritance by both
Mexican and Maya people of a still older culture of which we are ignorant,
and the proofs of which lie buried below the forests of Guatemala or the
sands of Yucatan.
The Zapotecs
The influence of the Maya upon the Nahua was a process of exceeding
slowness. The peoples who divided them one from another were themselves
benefited by carrying Maya culture into Anahuac, or rather it might be said
that they constituted a sort of filter through which the southern
civilisation reached the northern. These peoples were the Zapotecs, the
Mixtecs, and the Kuikatecs, by far the most important of whom were the
first-mentioncd. They partook of the nature and civilisation of both races,
and were in effect a border people who took from and gave to both Maya and
Nahua, much as the Jews absorbed and disseminated the cultures of Egypt and
Assyria. They were, however, of Nahua race, but their speech bears the
strongest marks of having borrowed extensively from the Maya vocabulary. For
many generations these people wandered in a nomadic condition from Maya to
Nahua territory, thus absorbing the customs, speech, and mythology of each.
The Huasteca
But we should be wrong if we thought that the Maya had never attempted to
expand, and had never sought new homes for their surplus population. That
they had is proved by an outlying tribe of Maya, the Huasteca, having
settled at the mouth of the Panuco, river, on the north coast of Mexico. The
presence of this curious ethnological island has of course given rise to all
sorts of queer theories concerning Toltec relationship, whereas it simply
intimates that before the era of Nahua expansion the Maya had attempted to
colonise the country to the north of their territories, but that their
efforts in this direction had been cut short by the influx of savage Nahua,
against whom they found themselves unable to contend.
The Type of Maya Civilisation
Did the civilisation of the Maya differ, then, in type from that of the
Nahua, or was it merely a larger expression of that in vogue in Anahuac? We
may take it that the Nahua civilisation characterised the culture of Central
America in its youth, whilst that of the Maya displayed it in its bloom, and
perhaps in its senility. The difference was neither essential nor radical,
but may be said to have arisen for the most part from climatic and kindred
causes. The climate of Anahuac is dry and temperate, that of Yucatan and
Guatemala is tropical, and we shall find even such religious conceptions of
the two peoples as were drawn from a common source varying from this very
cause, and coloured by differences in temperature and rainfall.
Maya History
Before entering upon a consideration of the art, architecture, or mythology
of this strange and highly interesting people it will be necessary to
provide the reader with a brief sketch of their history. Such notices of
this as exist in English are few, and their value doubtful. For the earlier
history of the people of Maya stock we depend almost whclly upon tradition
and architectural remains. The net result of the evidence wrung from these
is that the Maya civilisation was one and homogeneous, and that all the
separate states must have at one period passed through a uniform condition
of culture, to which they were all equally debtors, and that this is
sufficient ground for the belief that all were at one time beneath the sway
of one central power. For the later history we possess the writings of the
Spanish fathers, but not in such profusion as in the case of Mexico. In fact
the trustworthy original authors who deal with Maya history can almost be
counted on the fingers of one hand. We are further confused in perusing
these, and, indeed, throughout the study of Maya history, by discovering
that many of the sites of Maya cities are designated by Nahua names. This is
due to the fact that the Spanish conquerors were guided in their conquest of
the Maya territories by Nahua, who naturally applied Nahuatlac designations
to those sites of which the Spaniards asked the names. These appellations
clung to the places in question; hence the confusion, and the blundering
theories which would read in these place-names relics of Aztec conquest.
The Nucleus of Maya Power
As has been said, the nucleus of Maya power and culture is probably to be
found in that part of Chiapas which slopes down from the steep Cordilleras.
Here the ruined sites of Palenque, Piedras Negras, and Ocosingo are eloquent
of that opulence of imagination and loftiness of conception which go hand in
hand with an advanced culture. The temples and palaces of this region bear
the stamp of a dignity and consciousness of metropolitan power which are
scarcely to be mistaken, so broad, so free is their architectural
conception, so full to overflowing the display of the desire to surpass. But
upon the necessities of religion and central organisation alone was this
architectural artistry lavished. Its dignities were not profaned by its
application to mere domestic uses, for, unless what were obviously palaces
are excepted, not a single exam ple of Maya domestic building has survived.
This is of course accounted for by the circumstance that the people were
sharply divided into the aristocratic and labouring classes, the first of
which was closely identified with religion or kingship, and was housed in
the ecclesiastical or royal buildings, whilst those of less exalted rank
were perforce content with the shelter afforded by a hut built of perishable
materials, the traces of which have long since passed away. The temples
were, in fact, the nuclei of the towns, the centres round which the Maya
communities were grouped, much in the same manner as the cities of Europe in
the Middle Ages clustered and grew around the shadow of some vast cathedral
or sheltering stronghold.
Early Race Movements
We shall leave the consideration of Maya tradition until we come to speak of
Maya myth proper, and attempt to glean from the chaos of legend some
veritable facts connected with Maya history. According to a manuscript of
Kuikatec origin recently discovered, it is probable that a Nahua invasion of
the Maya states of Chiapas and Tabasco took place about the ninth century,
of our era, and we must for the present regard that as the starting-point of
Maya history. The South-western portions of the Maya territory were agitated
about the same time by race movements, which turned northward toward
Tehuantepec, and, flowing through Guatemala, came to rest in Acalan, on the
borders of Yucatan, retarded, probably, by the inhospitable and waterless
condition of that country. This Nahua invasion probably had the effect of
driving the more peaceful Maya from their northerly settlements and forcing
them farther south. Indeed, evidence is not wanting to show that the warlike
Nahua pursued the pacific Maya into their new retreats, and for a space left
them but little peace. This struggle it was which finally resulted in the
breaking up of the Maya civilisation, which even at that relatively remote
period had reached its apogee, its several races separating into numerous
city-states, which bore a close political resemblance to those of Italy on
the downfall of Rome. At this period, probably, began the cleavage between
the Maya of Yucatan and those of Guatemala, which finally resolved itself
into such differences of speech, faith, and architecture as almost to
constitute them different peoples.
The Settlement of Yucatan
As the Celts of Wales and Scotland were driven into the less hospitable
regions of their respective countries by the inroads of the Saxons, so was
one branch of the Maya forced to seek shelter in the almost desert wastes of
Yucatan. There can be no doubt that the Maya did not take to this barren and
waterless land of their own accord. Thrifty and possessed of high
agricultural attainments, this people would view with concern a removal to a
sphere so forbidding after the rich and easily developed country they had
inhabited for generations. But the inexorable Nahua were behindl and they
were a peaceful folk, unused to the horrors of savage warfare. So, taking
their courage in both hands, they wandered into the desert. Everything
points to a late occupation of Yucatan by the Maya, and architectural effort
exhibits deterioration, evidenced in a high conventionality of design and
excess of ornamentation. Evidences of Nahua influence also are not wanting,
a fact which is eloquent of the later period of contact which is known to
have occurred between the peoples, and which alone is almost sufficient to
fix the date of the settlement of the Maya in Yucatan. It must not be
thought that the Maya in Yucatan formed one homogeneous state recognising a
central authority. On the contrary, as is often the case with colonists) the
several Maya bands of immigrants formed themselves into different states or
kingdoms, each having its own separate traditions. It is thus a matter of
the highest difficulty to so collate and criticise these traditions as to
construct a history of the Maya race in Yucatan. As may be supposed, we find
the various city-sites founded by divine beings who play a more or less
important part in the Maya pantheon. Kukulcan, for example, is the first
king of Mayapan, whilst Itzamna figures as the founder of the state of
Itzamal. The gods were the spiritual leaders of these bands of Maya, just as
Jehovah was the spiritual leader and guide of the Israelites in the desert.
One is therefore not surprised to find in the Popol Vuh, the saga of the
Kiche-Maya of Guatemala, that the god Tohil (The Rumbler) guided them to the
site of the first Kiche city. Some writers on the subject appear to think
that the incidents in such migration myths, especially the tutelage and
guidance of the tribes by gods and the descriptions of desert scenery which
they contain, suffice to stamp them as mere native versions of the Book of
Exodus, or at the best myths sophisticated by missionary influence. The
truth is that the conditions of migration undergone by the Maya were similar
to those described in the Scriptures, and by no means merely reflect the
Bible story, as short-sighted collators of both aver.
The Septs of Yucatan
The priest-kings of Mayapan, who claimed descent from Kukulcan or
Quetzalcoatl, soon raised their state into a position of prominence among
the surrounding cities. Those who had founded Chichen-Itza, and who were
known as Itzaes, were, on the other hand, a caste of warriors who do not
appear to have cherished the priestly function with such assiduity. The
rulers of the Itzaes, who were known as the Tutul Xius, seem to have come,
according to their traditions, from the western Maya states, perhaps from
Nonohualco in Tabasco. Arriving from thence at the southern cxtremity of
Yucatan, they founded the city of Ziyan Caan, on Lake Bacalar, which had a
period of prosperity for at least a couple of generations. At the expiry of
that period for some unaccountable reason they migrated northward, perhaps
because at that particular time the incidence of power was shifting toward
Northern Yucatan, and took up their abode in Chichen- Itza, eventually the
sacred city of the Maya, which they founded.
The Cocomes
But they were not destined to remain undisturbed in their new sphere. The
Cocomes of Mayapan, when at the height of their power, viewed with disfavour
the settlement of the Tutul Xius. After it had flourished for a period of
about 120 years it was overthrown by the Cocomes, who resolved it into a
dependency, permitting the governors and a certain number of the people to
depart elsewhere.
Flight of the Tutul Xius
Thus expelled, the Tutul Xius fled southward, whence they had oriainally
come, and settled in Poton-chan or Champoton, where they reigned for nearly
300 years. From this new centre, with the aid or Nahua mercenaries, they
commenced an extension of territory northward, and entered into diplomatic
relations with the heads of the other Maya states. It was at this time that
they built Uxmal, and their power became so extensive that they reconquered
the territory they had lost to the Cocomes. This on the whole appears to
have been a period when the arts flourished under an enlightened policy,
which knew how to make and keep friendly relations with surrounding states,
and the splendid network of roads with which the country was covered and the
many evidences of architectural excellence go to prove that the race had had
leisure to achieve much in art and works of utility. Thus the city of
Chichen-Itza was linked up with the island of Cozumel by a highway whereon
thousands of pilgrims plodded to the temples of the gods of wind and
moisture. From Itzamal, too, roads branched in every direction, in order
that the people should have every facility for reaching the chief shrine of
the country situated there. But the hand of the Cocomes was heavy upon the
other Maya states which were tributary to, them. As in the Yucatan of to-
day, where the wretched henequen-picker leads the life of a veritable slave,
a crushing system of helotage obtained. The Cocomes made heavy demands upon
the Tutul Xius, who in their turn sweated the hapless folk under their sway
past the bounds of human endurance. As in all tottering civilisations, the
feeling of responsibility among the upper classes became dormant, and they
abandoned themselves to the pleasures of life without thought of the morrow.
Morality ceased to be regarded as a virtue, and rottenness was at the core
of Maya life. Discontent quickly spread on every hand.
The Revolution In Mayapan
The sequel was, naturally, revolution. Ground down by the tyranny of a
dissolute oligarchy, the subject states rose in revolt. The Cocomes
surrounded themselves by Nahua mercenaries, who succeeded in beating off the
first wave of revolt, led by the king or regulus or Uxmal, who was defeated,
and whose people in their turn rose against him, a circumstance which ended
in the abandonment of the city of Uxmal. Once more were the Tutul Xius
forced to go on pilgrimage, and this time they founded the city of Mani, a
mere shadow of the splendour of Uxmal and Chichen.
Hunac Eel
If the aristocracy of the Cocomcs was composed of weaklings, its ruler was
made of sterner stuff. Hunac Eel, who exercised royal sway over this people,
and held in subjection the lesser principalities of Yucatan, was not only a
tyrant of harsh and vindictive temperament, but a statesman of judgement and
experience, who courted the assistance of the neighbouring Nahua, whom he
employed in his campaign against the new assailant of his absolutism, the
ruler of Chichen-Itza. Mustering a mighty host of his vassals, Hunac Eel
marched against the devoted city whose prince had dared to challenge his
supremacy, and succeeded in inflicting a crushing defeat upon its
inhabitants. But apparently the state was permitted to remain under the
sovereignty of its native princes. The revolt, however, merely smouldered,
and in the kingdom of Mayapan itself, the territory of the Cocomes, the
fires of revolution began to blaze. This state of things continued for
nearly a century. Then the crash came. The enemies of the Cocomes effected a
junction. The people of Chichen Itza joined hands with the Tutul Xius, who
had sought refuge in the central highlands of Yucatan and those city-states
which clustered around the mother-city of Mayapan. A fierce concerted attack
was made , beneath which the power of the Cocomes crumpled up completely.
Not one stone was left standing upon another by the exasperated allies, who
thus avenged the helotage of nearly 300 years. To this event the date 1436
is assigned, but, like most dates in Maya history, considerable uncertainty
must be attached to it.
The Last of the Cocomes
Only a remnant of the Cocomes survived. They had been absent in Nahua
territory, attempting to raise fresh troops for the defence of Mayapan.
These the victors spared, and they finally settled in Zotuta, in the centre
of Yucatan, a region of almost impenetrable forest.
It would not appear that the city of Chichen-Itza, the prince of which was
ever the head and front of the rebellion against the Cocomes, proficed in
any way from the fall of the suzerain power. On the contrary, tradition has
it that the town was abandoned by its inhabitants, and left to crumble into
the ruinous state in which the Spaniards found it on their entrance into the
country. The probability is that its people quitted it because of the
repeated attacks made upon it by the Cocomes, who saw in it the chief
obstacle to their universal sway; and this is supported by tradition, which
tells that a prince of Chichen-Itza) worn out with conflict and internecine
strife, left it to seek the cradle of the Maya race in the land of the
setting sun. Indeed, it is further stated that this prince founded the city
of Peten-Itza, on the lake of Peten, in Guatemala
The Maya Peoples of Guatemala
When the Maya peoples of Guatemala, the Kiches and. the Kakchiquels, first
made their way into that territory, they probably found there a race of Maya
origin of a type more advanced and possessed of more ancient traditions than
themselves. By their connection with this folk they greatly benefited in the
direction o. artistic achievement as well as in the industrial arts.
Concerning these people we have a large body of tradition in the Popol Vuh,
a native chronicle, the contents of which will be fully dealt with in the
chapter relating to the Maya myths and legendary matter. We cannot deal with
it as a veritable historical document, but there is little doubt that a
basis of fact exists behind the tradition it contains. The difference
between the language of these people and that of their brethren in Yucatan
was, as has been said, one of dialect only, and a like slight distinction is
found in their mythology, caused, doubtless, by the incidence of local
conditions, and resulting in part from the difference between a level and
comparatively waterless land and one of a semimountainous character covered
with thick forests. We shall note further differences when we come to
examine the art and architecture of the Maya race, and to compare those of
its two most distinctive branches.
The Maya Tulan
It was to the city of Tulan, probably in Tabasco, that the Maya of Guatemala
referred as being the starting point of all their migrations. We must not
confound this place with the Tollan of the Mexican traditions. It is
possible that the name may in both cases be derived from a root meaning a
place from which a tribe set forth, a starting-place, but geographical
connection there is none. From here Nima-Kiche, the great Kiche, started on
his migration to the mountains, accompanied by his three brothers. Tulan,
says the Popol Vuh, had been a place of misfortune to man, for he had
suffered much from cold and hunger, and, as at the building of Babel, his
speech was so confounded that the first four Kiches and their wives were
unable to comprehend one another. Of course this is a native myth created to
account for the difference in dialect between the various branches of the
Maya folk, and can scarcely have any foundation in fact, as the change in
dialect would be a very gradual process. The brothers, we are told, divided
the land so that one received the districts of Mames and Pocomams, another
Verapaz, and the third Chiapas, while Nima-Kiche obtained the country of the
Kiches, Kakchiquels, and Tzutuhils. It would be extremely difficult to say
whether or not this tradition rests on any veritable historical basis. If
so, it refers to a period anterior to the Nahua irruption, for the districts
alluded to as occupied by these tribes were not so divided among them at the
coming of the Spaniards.
Doubtful Dynasties
As with the earlier dynasties of Egypt, considerable doubt surrounds the
history of the early Kiche monarchs. Indeed, a period of such uncertainty
occurs that even the number of kings who reigned is lost in the hopeless
confusion of varying estimates. From this chaos emerge the facts that the
Kiche monarchs held the supreme power among the peoples of Guatemala, that
they were the contemporaries of the rulers of Mexico city, and that they
were often elected from among the princes of the subject states. Acxopil,
the successor of Nima-Kiche, invested his second son with the government of
the Kakchiquels, and placed his youngest son over the Tzutuhils, whilst to
his eldest son he left the throne of the Kiches. Icutemal, his eldest son,
on succeeding his father, gifted the kingdom of Kakchiquel to his eldest
son, displacing his own brother and thus mortally affronting him. The
struggle which ensued lasted for generations, embittered the relations
between these two branches of the Maya in Guatemala, and undermined their
joint strength. Nahua mercenaries were employed in the struggle on both
sides, and these introduced many of the uglinesses of Nahua life into Maya
existence.
The Coming of the Spaniards
This condition of things lasted up to the time of the coming of the
Spaniards. The Kakchiquels dated the commencement of a new chronology from
the episode of the defeat of Cay Hun-Apu by them in 1492. They may have
saved themselves the trouble; for the time was at hand when the calendars of
their race were to be closed, and its records written in another script by
another people. One by one, and chiefly by reason of their insane policy of
allying themselves with the invader against their own kin, the old kingdoms
of Guatemala fell as spoil to the daring Conquistadores, and their people
passed beneath the yoke of Spain-bondsmen who were to beget countless
generations of slaves.
The Riddle of Ancient Maya Writing
What may possibly be the most valuable sources of Maya history are, alas!
sealed to us at present. We allude to the native Maya manuscripts and
inscriptions, the writing of which cannot be deciphered by present-day
scholars. Some of the old Spanish friars who lived in the times which
directly succeeded the settlement of the country by the white man were able
to read and even to write this script, but unfortunately they regarded it
either as an invention of the Father of Evil or, as it was a native system,
as a thing of no value. In a few generations all knowledge of how to
decipher it was totally lost, and it remains to the modern world almost as a
sealed book, although science has lavished all its wonderful machinery of
logic and deduction upon it, and men of unquestioned ability have dedicated
their lives to the problem of unravelling what must be regarded as one of
the greatest and most mysterious riddles of which mankind ever attempted the
solution.
The romance of the discovery of the key to the Egyptian hieroglyphic system
of writing is well known. For centuries the symbols displayed upon the
temples and monuments of the Nile country were so many meaningless pictures
and signs to the learned folk of Europe, until the discovery of the Rosetta
stone a hundred years ago made their elucidation possible. This stone bore
the same inscription in Greek, demotic, and hieroglyphics, and so the
discovery of the "alphabet" of the hidden script became a comparatively easy
task. But Central America has no Rosetta stone, nor is it possible that such
an aid to research can ever be found. Indeed, such "keys" as have been
discovered or brought forward by scientists have proved for the most part
unavailing.
The Maya Manuscripts
The principal Maya manuscripts which have escaped the ravages of time are
the codices in the libraries of Dresden, Paris, and Madrid. These are known
as the Codex Perezianus preserved in the Bibliothčque Nationale at Paris:
the Dresden Codex, long regarded as an Aztec manuscript, and the Troano
Codex, so called from one of its owners, Seńor Tro y Ortolano, found at
Madrid in 1865. These manuscripts deal principally with Maya mythology, but
as they cannot be deciphered with any degree of accuracy they do not greatly
assist our knowledge of the subject.
The System of the Writing
The "Tablet of the Cross" gives a good idea of the general appearance of the
writing system of the ancient peoples of Central America. The style varies
somewhat in most of the manuscripts and inscriptions, but it is generally
admitted that all of the systems employed sprang originally from one common
source. The square figures which appear as a tangle of faces and objects are
said to be calculiform, or pebble shaped, a not inappropriate description,
and it is known from ancient Spanish manuscripts that they were read from
top to bottom, and two columns at a time. The Maya tongue, like all native
American languages, was one which, in order to express an idea, gathered a
whole phrase into a single word, and it has been thought that the several
symbols or parts in each square or sketch go to make up such a compound
expression.
The first key (so called) to the hicroglyphs of Central America was that of
Bishop Landa, who about 1576 attempted to set down the Maya alphabet from
native sources. He was highly unpopular with the natives, whose literary
treasures he had almost completely destroyed, and who in revenge
deliberately misled him as to the true significance of the various symbols.
The first real step toward reading the Maya writing was made in 1876 by Léon
de Rosny, a French student of American antiquities, who succeeded in
interpreting the signs which denote the four cardinal points. As has been
the case in so many discoveries of importance the significance of these
signs was simultaneously discovered by Professor Cyrus Thomas in America. In
two of these four signs was found the symbol which meant "sun," almost, as
de Rosny acknowledged, as a matter of course. However, the Maya word for"
sun" (kin) also denotes "day," and it was later proved that this sign was
also used with the latter meaning. The discovery of the sign stimulated
further research to a great degree, and from the material now at their
disposal Drs. Förstemann and Schellhas of Berlin were successful in
discovering the sign for the moon and that for the Maya month of twenty
days.
Clever Elucidations
In 1887 Dr. Seler discovered the sign for night (akbal), and in 1894
Forstemann unriddled the symbols for "beginning" and "end." These are two
heads, the first of which has the sign akbal, just mentioned, for an eye.
Now akbal means, as well as "night," "the beginning of the month," and below
the face which contains it can be seen footsteps, or spots which resemble
their outline, signifying a forward movement. The sign in the second head
means "seventh," which in Maya also signifies "the end." From the frequent
contrast of these terms there can be little doubt that' their meaning is as
stated.
"Union" is denoted by the sting of a rattlesnake, the coils of that reptile
signifying to the Maya the idea of tying together. in contrast to this sign
is the figure next to it, which represents a knife, and means "division" or
"cutting." An important "letter" is the hand, which often occurs in both
manuscripts and inscriptions. It is drawn sometimes in the act of grasping,
with the thumb bent forward, and sometimes as pointing in a certain
direction. The first seems to denote a tying together or joining, like the
rattlesnake symbol, and the second Förstemann believes to represent a lapse
of time. That it may represent futurity occurs as a more likely conjecture
to the present writer.
The figure denoting the spring equinox was traced because of its obvious
representation of a cloud from which three streams of water are falling upon
the earth. The square at the top represents heaven. The obsidian knife
underneath denotes a division or period of time cut off, as it were, from
other periods of the year. That the sign means "spring " is verified by its
position among the other signs of the seasons.
The sign for "week" was discovered by reason of its almost constant
accompaniment of the sign for the number thirteen, the number of days in the
Maya sacred week. The symbol of the bird's feather indicates the plural, and
when affixed to certain signs signifies that the object indicated is
multiplied. A bird's feather, when one thinks of it, is one of the most
fitting symbols provided by nature to designate the plural, if the number of
shoots on both sides of the stem are taken as meaning "many " or "two."
Water is depicted by the figure of a serpent, which reptile typifies the
undulating nature of the element. The sign entitled "the sacrificial victim"
is of deep human interest. The first portion of the symbol is the death-
bird, and the second shows a crouching and beaten captive, ready to be
immolated to one of the terrible Maya deities whose sanguinary religion
demanded human sacrifice. The drawing which means "the day of the new year,"
in the month Ceh, was unriddled by the following means: The sign in the
upper left-hand corner denotes the word "sun" or "day," that in the upper
right-hand corner is the sign for "year." In the lower right-hand corner is
the sign for "division," and in the lower left. hand the sign for the Maya
month Ceh, already known from the native calendars.
From its accompaniment of a figure known to be a deity of the four cardinal
points, whence all American tribes believed the wind to come, the symbol
entitled "wind" has been determined.
Methods of Study
The method employed by those engaged in the elucidation of these hieroglyphs
is typical of modern science. The various signs and symbols are literally
"worn out" by a process of indefatigable examination. For hours the student
sits staring at a symbol, drinking in every detail, however infinitesimal,
until the drawing and all its parts are wholly and separately photographed
upon the tablets of his memory. He then compares the several portions of the
symbol with similar portions in other signs the value of which is known.
From these he may obtain a clue to the meaning of the whole. Thus proceeding
from the known to the unknown) he advances logically toward a complete
elucidation of all the hieroglyphs depicted in the various manuscripts and
inscriptions.
The method by which Dr. Seler discovered the hieroglyphs or symbols relating
to the various gods of the Maya was both simple and ingenious. He says: "The
way in which this was accomplished is strikingly simple. It amounts
essentially to that which in ordinary life we call 'memory of persons,' and
follows almost naturally from a careful study of the manuscripts. For, by
frequently looking tentatively at the representations, one learns by degrees
to recognise promptly similar and familiar figures of gods by the
characteristic impression they make as a whole or by certain details, and
the same is true of the accompanying hieroglyphs."
The Maya Numeral System
If Bishop Landa was badly hoaxed regarding the alphabet of the Maya, he was
successful in discovering and handing down their numeral system, which was
on a very much higher basis than that of many civilised peoples, being, for
exam le more practical and more fully evolved than that of ancient Rome.
This system employed four signs altogether, the point for unity, a
horizontal stroke for the number 5, and two signs for 20 and 0. Yet from
these simple elements the Maya produced a method of computation which is
perhaps as ingenious as anything which has ever been accomplished in the
history of mathematics. In the Maya arithmetical system, as in ours, it is
the position of the sign that gives it its value. The figures were placed in
a vertical line, and one of them was employed as a decimal multiplier. The
lowest figure of the column had the arithmetical value which it represented.
The figures which appeared in the second, fourth, and each following place
had twenty times the value of the preceding figures, while figures in the
third place had eighteen times the value of those in the second place. This
system admits of computation up to millions, and is one of the surest signs
of Maya culture.
Much controversy has raged round the exact nature of the Maya hieroglyphs.
Were they understood by the Indians themselves as representing ideas or
merely pictures, or did they convey a given sound to the reader, as does our
alphabet? To some extent controversy upon the point is futile, as those of
the Spanish clergy who were able to learn the writing from the native Maya
have confirmed its phonetic character, so that in reality each symbol must
have conveyed a sound or sounds to the reader, not merely an idea or a
picture. Recent research has amply proved this, so that the full elucidation
of the long and painful puzzle on which so much learning and patience have
been lavished may perhaps be at hand.
Mythology of the Maya
The Maya pantheon, although it bears a strong resemblance to that of the
Nahua, differs from it in so many respects that it is easy to observe that
at one period it must have been absolutely free from all Nahua influence. We
may, then, provisionally accept the theory that at some relatively distant
period the mythologies of the Nahua and Maya were influenced from one common
centre, if they were not originally identical, but that later the inclusion
in the cognate but divided systems of local deities and the superimposition
of the deities and rites of immigrant peoples had caused such
differentiation as to render somewhat vague the original likeness between
them. In the Mexican mythology we have as a key-note the custom of human
sacrifice. It has often been stated as exhibiting the superior status in
civilisation of the Maya that their religion was free from the revolting
practices which characterised the Nahua faith. This, however, is totally
erroneous. Although the Maya were not nearly so prone to the practice of
human sacrifice as were the Nahua, they frequently engaged in it, and the
pictures which have been drawn of their bloodless offerings must not lead us
to believe that they never indulged in this rite. It is known, for example,
that they sacrificed maidens to the water-god at the period of the spring
florescence, by casting them into a deep pool, where they were drowned.
Quetzalcoatl among the Maya
One of the most obvious of the mythological relationships between the Maya
and Nahua is exhibited in the Maya cult of the god Quetzalcoatl. It seems to
have been a general belief in Mexico that Quetzalcoatl was a god foreign to
the soil; or at least relatively aboriginal to his rival Tezcatlipoca, if
not to the Nahua themselves. It is amusing to see it stated by authorities
of the highest standing that his worship was free from bloodshed. But it
does not appear whether the sanguinary rites connected with the name of
Quetzalcoatl in Mexico were undertaken by his priests of their own accord or
at the instigation and pressure of the pontiff of Huitzilopochtli, under
whose jurisdiction they were. The designation by which Quetzalcoatl was
known to the Maya was Kukulcan, which signifies "Feathered Serpent," and is
exactly translated by his Mexican name. In Guatemala he was called Gucumatz,
which word is also identical in Kiche with his other native appellations.
But the Kukulcan of the Maya appears to be dissimilar from Quetzalcoatl in
several of his attributes. The difference in climate would probably account
for most of these. In Mexico Quetzalcoatl, as we have seen, was not only the
Man of the Sun, but the original wind-god of the country. The Kukulcan of
the Maya has more the attributes of a thunder-god. In the tropical climate
of Yucatan and Guatemala the sun at midday appears to draw the clouds around
it in serpentine shapes. From these emanate thunder and lightning and the
fertilising rain, so that Kukulcan would appear to have appealed to the Maya
more as a god of the sky who wielded the thunderbolts than a god of the
atmosphere proper like Quetzalcoatl, though several of the stelć in Yucatan
represent Kukulcan as he is portrayed in Mexico, with wind issuing from his
mouth.
An Alphabet of Gods
The principal sources of our knowledge of the Maya deities are the Dresden,
Madrid, and Paris codices alluded to previously, all of which contain many
pictorial representations of the various members of the Maya pantheon. Of
the very names of some of these gods we are so ignorant, and so difficult is
the process of affixing to them the traditional names which are left to us
as those of the Maya gods, that Dr. Paul Schellhas, a German student of Maya
antiquities, has proposed that the figures of deities appearing in the Maya
codiccs or manuscripts should be provisionally indicated by the letters of
the alphabet. The figures of gods which thus occur are fifteen in number,
and therefore take the letters of the alphabet from A to P, the letter J
being omitted.
Difficulties of Comparison
Unluckily the accounts of Spanish authors concerning Maya mythology do not
agree with the representations of the gods delineated in the codices. That
the three codices have a mythology in common is certain. Again, great
difficulty is found in comparing the deities of the codices with those
represented by the carved and stucco bas-reliefs of the Maya region. It will
thus be seen that very considerable difficulties beset the student in this
mythological sphere. So few data have yet been collected regarding the Maya
mythology that to dogmatise upon any subject connected with it would indeed
be rash. But much has been accomplished in the past few decades, and
evidence is slowly but surely accumulating from which sound conclusions can
be drawn.
The Conflict between Light and Darkness
We witness in the Maya mythology a dualism almost as complete as that of
ancient Persia-the conflict between light and darkness. Opposing each other
we behold on the one hand the deities of the sun, the gods of warmth and
light, of civilisation and the joy of life, and on the other the deities of
darksome death, of night, gloom, and fear. From these primal conceptions of
light and darkness all the mythologic forms of the Maya are evolved. When we
catch the first recorded glimpses of Maya belief we recognise that at the
period when it came under the purview of Europeans the gods of darkness were
in the ascendant and a deep pessimism had spread over Maya thought and
theology. Its joyful side was subordinated to the worship gloomy beings, the
deities of death and hell, and if the cult or light was attended with such
touching fidelity it was because the benign agencies who were worshipped in
connection with it had promised not to desert mankind altogether, but to
return at some future indefinite period and resume their sway of radiance
and peace.
The Calendar
Like that of the Nahua, the Maya mythology was based almost entirely upon
the calendar, which in its astronomic significance and duration was
identical with that of the Mexicans. The ritual year of twenty "weeks " of
thirteen days each was divided into four quarters, each of these being under
the auspices of a different quarter of the heavens. Each "week" was under
the supervision of a particular deity, as will be seen when we come to deal
separately with the various gods.
Traditional Knowledge of the Gods
The heavenly bodies had important representation in the Maya pantheon. In
Yucatan the sun-god was known as Kinich-ahau (Lord of the Face of the Sun).
He was identified with the Fire-bird, or Arara, and was thus called Kinich-
Kakmo (Fire-bird; lit. Sun-bird). He was also the presiding genius of the
north.
Itzamna, one of the most important of the Maya deities, was a moon-god, the
father of gods and men. In him was typified the decay and recurrence of life
in nature. His name was derived from the words he was supposed to have given
to men regarding himself: "Itz en caan, itz en muyal" ("I am the dew of the
heaven, I am the dew of the clouds "). He was tutelar deity of the west.
Chac, the rain-god, is the possessor of an elongated nose, not unlike the
proboscis of a tapir, which of course is the spout whence comes the rain
which he blows over the earth. He is one of the best represented gods on
both manuscripts and monuments, and presides over the east. The black god
Ekchuah was the god of merchants and cacao-planters. He is represented in
the manuscripts several times.
Ix ch'el was the goddess of medicine, and Ix chebel yax was identified by
the priest Hernandez with the Virgin Mary. There were also several deities,
or rather genii, called Bacabs, who were the upholders of the heavens in the
four quarters of the sky. The names of these were Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac,
representing the east, north, west, and south. Their symbolic colours were
yellow, white, black, and red respectively. The corresponded in some degree
to the four variants of the Mexican rain-god Tlaloc, for many of the
American races believed that rain, the fertiliser of the soil, emanated from
the four points of the compass. We shall find still other deities when we
come to discuss the Popol Vuh, the saga-book of the Kiche, but it is
difficult to say how far these were connected with the deities of the Maya
of Yucatan, concerning whom we have little traditional knowledge, and it is
better to deal with them separately, pointing out resemblances where these
appear to exist.
Maya Polytheism
On the whole the Maya do not seem to have been burdened with an extensive
pantheon, as were the Nahua, and their polytheism appears to have been of a
limited character. Although they possessed a number of divinities, these
were in a great measure only different forms of one and the same divine
powerprobably localised forms of it. The various Maya tribes worshipped
similar gods under different names. They recognised divine unity in the god
Hunabku, who was invisible and supreme, but he does not bulk largely in
their mythology, any more than does the universal All-Father in other early
faiths. The sun is the great deity in Maya religion, and the myths which
tell of the origin of the Maya people are purely solar. As the sun comes
from the east, so the hero-gods who bring with them culture and
enlightenment have an oriental origin. As Votan, as Kabil, the "Red Hand "
who initiates the people into the arts of writing and architecture, these
gods are civilising men of the sun as surely as is Quetzalcoatl.
The Bat-God
A sinister figure, the prince of the Maya legions of darkness, is the bat-
god, Zotzilaha Chimalman, who dwelt in the "House of Bats," a gruesome
cavern on the way to the abodes of darkness and death. He is undoubtedly a
relic of cave-worship pure and simple. "The Maya" says an old chronicler,
"have an immoderate fear of death, and they seem to have given it a figure
peculiarly repulsive." We shall find this deity alluded to in the Popol Vuh,
under the name Camazotz, in close proximity to the Lords of Death and Hell,
attempting to bar the journey of the hero-gods across these dreary realms.
He is frequently met with on the Copan reliefs, and a Maya clan, the Ah-
zotzils, were called by his name. They were of Kakchiquel origin, and he was
probably their totem.
Modern Research
We must now turn to the question of what modern research has done to
elucidate the character of the various Maya deities. We have already seen
that they have been provisionally named by the letters of the alphabet until
such proof is forthcoming as will identify them with the traditional gods of
the Maya, and we will now briefly examine what is known concerning them
under their temporary designations.
God A
In the Dresden and other codices god A is represented as a figure with
exposed vertebrx and skull-like countenance, with the marks of corruption on
his body, and displaying every sign of mortality. On his head he wears a
snail-symbol, the Aztec sign of birth, perhaps to typify the connection
between birth and death. He also wears a pair of cross-bones. The hieroglyph
which accompanies his figure represents a corpse's head with closed eyes, a
skull, and a sacrificial knife. His symbol is that for the calendar day
Cimi, which means death. He presides over the west, the home of the dead,
the region toward which they invariably depart with the setting sun. That he
is a death-god there can be no doubt, but of his name we are ignorant. He is
probably identical with the Aztec god of death and hell, Mictlan, and is
perhaps one of those Lords of Death and Hell who invite the heroes to the
celebrated game of ball in the Kiche Popol Vuh, and hold them prisoners in
their gloomy realm.
God B
God B is the deity who appears most frequently in the manuscripts. He has a
long, truncated nose, like that of a tapir, and we find in him every sign of
a grod of the elements. He walks the waters, wields fiery torches, and seats
himself on the cruciform tree of the four winds which appears so frequently
in American myth. He is evidently a culture-god or hero, as he is seen
planting maize carrying tools, and going on a journey, a fact which
establishes his solar connection. He is, in fact, Kukulcan or Quetzalcoatl,
and on examining him we feel that at least there can be no doubt concerning
his identity.
God C
Concerning god C matter is lacking, but he is evidently a god of the pole-
star, as in one of the codices he is surrounded by planetary signs and wears
a nimbus of rays.
God D
God D is almost certainly a moon-god. He is represented as an aged man, with
sunken cheeks and wrinkled forehead on which hangs the sign for night. His
hieroglyph is surrounded by dots, to represent a starry sky, and is followed
by the number 20, to show the duration of the moon. Like most moon deities
he is connected with birth, for occasionally he wears the snail, symbol of
parturition, on his head. It is probable that he is Itzamna, one of the
greatest of Maya gods, who was regarded as the universal life-giver, and was
probably of very ancient origin.
God E, The Maize-God
God E is another deity whom we have no difficulty in identifying. He wears
the leafed car of maize as his head-dress. In fact, his head has been
evolved out of the conventional drawings of the ear of maize, so we may say
at once without any difficulty that he is a maize-god pure and simple, and a
parallel with the Aztec maize-god Centeotl. Brinton calls this god Ghanan,
and Schellhas thinks he may be identical with a deity Yurn Kaax, whose name
means "Lord of the Harvest Fields."
God F
A close resemblance can be noticed between gods F and A, and it is thought
that the latter resembles the Aztec Xipe, the god of human sacrifice. He is
adorned with the same black lines running over the face and body, typifying
gaping death-wounds.
God G, The Sun-God
In G we may be sure that we have found a sun-god par excellence. His
hieroglyph is the sun-sign, kin. But we must be careful not to confound him
with deities like Quetzalcoatl or Kukulcan. He is, like the Mexican Totec,
the sun itself, and not the Man of the Sun, the civilising agent, who leaves
his bright abode to dwell with man and introduce him to the arts of cultured
existence. He is the luminary himself, whose only acceptable food is human
blood, and who must be fed full with this terrible fare or perish, dragging
the world of men with him into a fathomless abyss of gloom. We need not be
surprised, therefore, to see god G occasionally wearing the symbols of
death.
God H
God H would seem to have some relationship to the serpent, but what it may
be is obscure, and no certain identification can be made.
Goddess I
I is a water-goddess, an old woman with wrinkled brown body and claw-like
feet, wearing on her head a grisly snake twisted into a knot, to typify the
serpent-like nature of water. She holds in her hands an earthenware pot from
which water flows. We cannot say that she resembles the Mexican water-
goddess, Chalchihuitlicue, wife of Tlaloc, who was in most respects a deity
of a beneficent character. I seems a personification or water in its more
dreadful aspect of floods and waterspouts, as it must inevitably have
appeared to the people of the more torrid regions of Central America, and
that she was regarded as an agent of death is shown from her occasionally
wearing the cross-bones of the death-god.
God K, "The God with the Ornamented Nose"
God K is scientifically known as "the god with the ornamented nose," and is
probably closely related to god B. Concerning him no two authorities are at
one, some regarding him as a storm-god, whose proboscis, like that of
Kukulcan, is intended to represent the blast of the tempest. But we observe
certain stellar signs in con. nection with K which would go to prove that he
is, indeed, one of the Quetzalcoatl group. His features are constantly to be
met with on the gateways and corners of the ruined shrines of Central
America, and have led many "antiquarians " to believe in the existence of an
elephant-headed god, whereas his trunk-like snout is merely a funnel through
which he emitted the ales over which he had dominion, as a careful study of
the pinturas shows, the wind being depicted issuing from the snout in
question. At the same time, the snout may have been modelled on that of the
tapir. "If the rain-god Chac is distinguished in the Maya manuscript by a
peculiarly long nose curving over the mouth, and if in the other forms of
the rain-god, to which, as it seems, the name of Balon Zacab belongs, the
nose widens out and sends out shoots, I believe that the tapir which was
employed identically with Chac, the Maya rain-god, furnished the model,"
says Dr. Seler. Is K, then, the same as Chac? Chac bears every sign of
affinity with the Mexican rain-god Tlaloc, whose face was evolved from the
coils of two snakes, and also some resemblance to the snouted features of B
and K. But, again, the Mexican pictures of Quetzalcoatl are not at all like
those of Tlaloc, so that there can be no affinity between Tlaloc and K.
Therefore if the Mexican Tlaloc and the Maya Chac be identical, and Tlaloc
differs from Quetzalcoatl, who in turn is identical with B and K, it is
clear that Chac has nothing to do with K.
God L, The Old Black God
God L Dr. Schcllhas has designated "the Old Black God," from the
circumstance that he is depicted as an old man with sunken face and
toothless gums, the upper, or sometimes the lower, part of his features
being covered with black paint. He is represented in the Dresden MS. only.
Professor Cyrus Thomas, of New York, thinks that he is the god Ekchuah, who
is traditionally described as black, but Schellhas fits this designation to
god M. The more probable theory is that of Förstemann, who sees in L the god
Votan, who is identical with the Aztec earth-god, Tepeyollotl. Both deities
have similar face markings, and their dark hue is perhaps symbolical of the
subterranean places where they were supposed to dwell.
God M, The Travellers' God
God M is a veritable black god, with reddish lips. On his head he bears a
roped package resembling the loads carried by the Maya porter class, and he
is found in violent opposition with F, the enemy of all who wander into the
unknown wastes. A god of this description has been handed down by tradition
under the name of Ekchuah, and his blackness is probably symbolical of the
black or deeply bronzed skin of the porter class among the natives of
Central America, who are constantly exposed to the sun. He would appear to
be a parallel to the Aztec Yacatecutli, god of travelling merchants or
chapmcn.
God N, The God of Unlucky Days
God N is identified by Schellhas with the demon Uayayab, who presided over
the five unlucky days which it will be recollected came at the end of the
Mexican and Maya year. He was known to the Maya as "He by whom the year is
poisoned." After modelling his image in clay they carried it out of their
villages, so that his baneful influence might not dwell therein.
Goddess O
Goddess O is represented as an old woman engaged in the avocation of
spinning, and is probably a goddess of the domestic virtues, the tutelar of
married females.
God P, The Frog,God
God P is shown with the body and fins of a frog on a blue background,
evidently intended to represent water. Like all other frog-gods he is, of
course, a deity of water, probably in its agricultural significance. We find
him sowing seed and making furrows, and when we remember the important part
played by frog deities in the agriculture of Anahuac we should have no
difficulty in classing him with these. Seler asserts his identity with
Kukulcan, but no reason except the circumstance of his being a rain-god can
be advanced to establish the identity. He wears the year-sign on his head,
probably with a seasonal reference.
Maya Architecture
It was in the wonderful architectural system which it developed without
outside aid that the Maya people most individually expressed itself. As has
been said, those buildings which still remain, and which have excited the
admiration of generations of archxologists, are principally confined to
examples of ecclesiastical and governmental architecture, the dwellings of
the common people consisting merely of the flimsiest of wattle-and-daub
structures, which would fall to pieces shortly after they were abandoned.
Buried in dense forests or mouldering on the sunexposed plains of Yucatan,
Honduras, and Guatemala, the cities which boasted these edifices are for the
most part situated away from modern trade routes, and are not a little
difficult to come at. It is in Yucatan, the old home of the Cocomes and
Tutul Xius, that the most perfect specimens of' Maya architecture are to be
found, especially as regards its later development, and here, too, it may be
witnessed in its decadent phase.
Methods of Building
The Maya buildings were almost always erected upon a mound or ku, either
natural or artificial, generally the latter. In this we discover affinities
with the Mexican teocalli type. Often these kus stood alone, without any
superincumbent building save a small altar to prove their relation to the
temple type of Anahuac. The typical Maya temple was built on a series of
earth terraces arranged in exact parallel order, the buildings themselves
forming the sides of a square. The mounds are generally concealed by plaster
or faced with stone, the variety employed being usually a hard sandstone, of
which the Maya had a good supply in the quarries of Chiapas and Honduras.
Moderate in weight, the difficulty of transport was easily overcome, whilst
large blocks could be readily quarried. It will thus be seen that the Maya
had no substantial difficulties to surmount in connection with building the
large edifices and temples they raised, except, perhaps, the lack of metal
tools to shape and carve and quarry the stone which they used. And although
they exhibit considerable ingenuity in such architectural methods as they
employed, they were still surprisingly ignorant of some of the first
essentials and principles of the art.
No Knowledge of the Arch
For example, they were totally ignorant of the principles upon which the
arch is constructed. This difficulty they overcame by making each course of
masonry overhang the one beneath it, after the method employed by a boy with
a box of bricks, who finds that he can only make "doorways" by this means,
or by the simple expedient-also employed by the Maya-of placing a slab
horizontally upon two upright pillars. In consequence it will readily be
seen that the superimposition of a second story upon such an insecure
foundation was scarcely to be thought of, and that such support for the roof
as towered above the doorway would necessarily require to be of the most
substantial description. Indeed, this portion of the building often appears
to be more than half the size of the rest of the edifice. This space gave
the Maya builders a splendid chance for mural decoration, and it must be
said they readily seized it and made the most of it, ornamental fagades
being perhaps the most typical features in the relics of Maya architecture.
Pyramidal Structures
But the Maya possessed another type of building which permitted or their
raising more than one story. This was the pyramidal type, or which many
examples remain. The first story was built in the usual manner, and the
second was raised by increasing the height of the mound at the back of the
building until it was upon a level with the roof-another device well known
to the boy with the box of bricks. In the centre of the space thus made
another story could be erected, which was entered by a staircase outside the
building. Hampered by their inability to build to any appreciable height,
the Maya architects made up for the deficiency by constructing edifices of
considerable length and breadth, the squat appearance of which is
counterbalanced by the beautiful mural decoration of the sides and façade.
Definiteness of Design
He would be a merely superficial observer who would form the conclusion that
these specimens of an architecture spontaneously evolved were put together
without survey, design, or previous calculation. That as much thought
entered into their construction as is lavished upon his work by a modern
architect is proved by the manner in which the carved stones fit into one
another. It would be absurd to suppose that these tremendous fgades
bristling with scores of intricate designs could have been first placed in
position and subsequently laden with the bas-reliefs they exhibit. It is
plain that they were previously worked apart and separately from one entire
design. Thus we see that the highest capabilities of the architect were
essential in a measure to the erection of these imposing structures.
Architectural Districts
Although the mason-craft of the Maya peoples was essentially similar in all
the regions populated by its various tribes and offshoots, there existed in
the several localities occupied by them certain differences in construction
and ornamentation which would almost justify us in dividing them into
separate architectural spheres. In Chiapas, for example, we find the bas-
relief predominant, whether in stone or stucco. In Honduras we find a
stiffness of design which implies an older type of architecture, along with
caryatides and memorial pillars of human shape. In Guatemala, again, we find
traces of the employment of wood. As the civilisation of the Maya cannot be
well comprehended without some knowledge of their architecture, and as that
art was unquestionably their national forte and the thing which most sharply
distinguished them from the semisavage peoples that surrounded them, it will
be well to consider it for a space as regards its better-known individual
examples.
Fascination of the Subject
He would indeed be dull of imagination and of spirit who could enter into
the consideration of such a subject as this without experiencing some thrill
from the mystery which surrounds it. Although familiarised with the study of
the Maya antiquities by reason of many years of close acquaintance with it,
the author cannot approach the theme without a feeling of the most intense
awe. We are considering the memorials of a race isolated for countless
thousands of years from the rest of humanity-a race which by itself evolved
a civilisation in every respect capable of comparison with those of ancient
Egypt or Assyria. In these impenetrable forests and sun-baked plains mighty
works were raised which tell of a culture of a lofty type. We are aware that
the people who reared them entered into religious and perhaps pliflosophical
considerations their interpretations of which place them upon a level with
the most enlightened races of antiquity; but we have only stepped upon the
margin of Maya history. What dread secrets, what scenes of orgic splendour
have those carven walls witnessed? What solemn priestly conclave, what
magnificence of rite, what marvels of initiation, have these forest temples
known? These things we shall never learn. They are hidden from us in a gloom
as palpable as that of the tree-encircled depths in which we find these
shattered works of a once powerful hierarchy.
Mysterious Palenque
One of the most famous of these ancient centres of priestly domination is
Palenque, situated in the modern state of Chiapas. This city was first
brought into notice by Don José Calderon in 1774, when he discovered no less
than eighteen palaces, twenty great buildings, and a hundred and sixty
houses, which proves that in his day the primeval forest had not made such
inroads upon the remaining buildings as it has during the past few
generations. There is good evidence besides this that Palenque was standing
at the time of Cortés' conquest of Yucatan. And here it will be well at once
to dispel any conception the reader may have formed concerning the vast
antiquity of these cities and the structures they contain. The very oldest
of them cannot be of a date anterior to the thirteenth century, and few
Americanists of repute would admit such an antiquity for them. There may be
remains of a fragmentary nature here and there in Central America which are
relatively more ancient. But no temple or edifice which remains standing can
claim a greater antiquity.
Palenque is built in the form of an amphitheatre, and nestles on the lowest
slopes of the Cordilleras. Standing on the central pyramid, the eye is met
by a ring of ruined palaces and temples raised upon artificial terraces. Of
these the principal and most imposing is the Palace, a pile reared upon a
single platform, forming an irregular quadrilateral, with a double gallery
on the cast, north, and west sides, surrounding an inner structure with a
similar gallery and two courtyards. It is evident that there was little
system or plan observed in the construction of this edifice, an unusual
circumstance in Maya architecture. The dwelling apartments were situated on
the southern side of the structure, and here there is absolute confusion,
for buildings of all sorts and sizes jostle each other, and are reared on
different levels.
Our interest is perhaps at first excited by three subterrancous apartments
down a flight of gloomy steps. Here are -to be found three great stone
tables, the edges of which are fretted with sculptured symbols. That these
were altars admits of little doubt, although some visitors have not
hesitated to call them dining tables! These constitute only one of the many
puzzles in this building of 228 feet frontage, with a depth of 180 feet,
which at the same time is only about 25 feet high!
On the north side of the Palace pyramid the façade of the Palace has
crumbled into complete ruin, but some evidences of an entrance are still
noticeable. There were probably fourteen doorways in all in the frontage,
with a width of about 9 feet each, the piers of which were covered with
figures in bas-relief. The inside of the galleries is also covered at
intervals with similar designs, or medallions, many of which are probably
representations of priests or priestesses who once dwelt within the classic
shades and practised strange rites in the worship of gods long since
forgotten. One of these is of a woman with delicate features and high-bred
countenance, and the frame or rim surrounding it is decorated in a manner
recalling the Louis XV style.
The east gallery is 114 feet long, the north 185 feet, and the west 102
feet, so that, as remarked above, a lack of symmetry is apparent. The great
court is reached by a Mayan arch which leads on to a staircase, on each side
of which grotesque human figures of the Maya type are sculptured. Whom they
are intended to portray or what rite they are engaged in it would indeed be
difficult to say. That they are priests may be hazarded, for they appear to
be dressed in the ecclesiastical maxtli (girdle), and ont seems to be
decorated with the beads seen in the pictures of the death-god. Moreover,
they are mitred.
The courtyard is exceedingly irregular in shape. To the south side is a
small building which has assisted our knowledge of Maya mural decoration;
especially valuable is the handsome frieze with which it is adorned, on
which we observe the rather familiar feathered serpent (Kukulcan or
Quetzalcoatl). Everywhere we notice the flat Maya head-a racial type,
perhaps brought about by deformation of the cranium in youth. One of the
most important parts of the Palace from an architectural point of view is
the east front of the inner wing, which is perhaps the best preserved, and
exhibits the most luxurious ornamentation. Two roofed galleries supported by
six pillars covered with bas-reliefs are reached by a staircase on which
hieroglyphic signs still remain. The reliefs in cement are still faintly to
be discerned on the pillars, and must have been of- great beauty. They
represent mythological characters in various attitudes. Above, seven
enormous heads frown on the explorer in grim menace. The effect of the
entire faqade is rich in the extreme, even in ruin, and from it we can
obtain a faint idea of the splendours of this wonderful civilisation.
An Architectural Curiosity
One of the few towers to be seen among the ruins of Maya architecture stands
at Palenque. It is square in shape and three stories in height, with sloping
roof, and is not unlike the belfry of some little English village church.
The building we have been describing, although traditionally known as a
"palace," was undoubtedly a great monastery or ecclesiastical habitation.
Indeed, the entire city of Palenque was solely a priestly centre, a place of
pilgrimage. The bas-reliefs with their representations of priests and
acolytes prove this, as does the absence of warlike or monarchical subjects.
The Temple of Inscriptions
The Temple of Inscriptions, perched on an eminence some 40 feet high, is the
largest edifice in Palenque. It has a façade 74 feet long by 25 feet deep,
composed of a great gallery which runs along the entire front of the fane.
The building has been named from the inscriptions with which certain
flagstones in the central apartment are covered. Three other temples occupy
a piece of rising ground close by. These are the Temple of the Sun, closely
akin in type to many Japanese temple buildings; the Temple of the Cross, in
which a wonderful altar-piece was discovered; and the Temple of the Cross
No. II. In the Temple of the Cross the inscribed altar gave its name to the
building. In the central slab is a cross of the American pattern, its roots
springing from the hideous head of the goddess Chicomecohuatl, the Earth-
mother, or her Maya equivalent. Its branches stretch to where on the right
and left stand two figures, evidently those of a priest and acolyte,
performing some mysterious rite. On the apex of the tree is placed the
sacred turkey, or "Emerald Fowl," to which offerings of maize paste are
made. The whole is surrounded by inscriptions.
Aké and Itzamal
Thirty miles east of Merida lies Aké, the colossal and primeval ruins of
which speak of early Maya occupation. Here are pyramids, tennis-courts, and
gigantic pillars which once supported immense gallerics, all in a state of
advanced ruin. Chief among these is the great pyramid and gallery, a mighty
staircase rising toward lofty pillars, and somewhat reminiscent of
Stonehenge. For what purpose it was constructed is quite unknown.
The House of Darkness
One ruin, tradition calls "The House of Darkness." Here no light enters save
that which filters in by the open doorway. The vaulted roof is lost in a
lofty gloom. So truly have the huge blocks of which the building is composed
been laid that not even a needle could be inserted between them. The whole
is coated with a hard plaster or cement
The Palace of Owls
The Knuc (Palace of Owls), where a beautiful frieze of diamond-shaped stones
intermingling with spheres may be observed, is noteworthy. All here is
undoubtedly of the first Yucatec era, the time when the Maya first overran
the country.
At Itzamal the chief object of interest is the great pyramid of Kinich-Kakmo
(The Sun's Face with Fiery Rays), the base of which covers an area of nearly
650 square feet. To this shrine thousands were wont to come in times of
panic or famine, and from the summit, where was housed the glittering idol,
the smoke of sacrifice ascended to the cloudless sky, whilst a multitude of
white-robed priests and augurs chanted and prophesied. To the south of this
mighty pile stand the ruins of the Ppapp-Hol-Chac (The House of Heads and
Lightnings), the abode of the chief priest.
Itzamna's Fane
At Itzamal, too, stood one of the chief temples of the great god Itzamna,
the legendary founder of the Maya mpire. Standing on a lofty pyramid, four
roads radiated from it, leading to Tabasco, Guatemala, and Chiapas; and here
they brought the halt, the maimed, and the blind, aye, even the dead, for
succour and resurrection, such faith had they in the mighty power of Kab-ul
(The Miraculous Hand), as they designated the deity. The fourth road ran to
the sacred isle of Cozumel, where first the men of Spain found the Maya
cross, and supposed it to prove that St. Thomas had discovered the American
continent in early times, and had converted the natives to a Christianity
which had become debased.
Bearded Gods
To the west arose another pyramid, on the summit of which was built the
palace of Hunpictok (The Commander-in-chief of Eight Thousand Flints), in
allusion, probably, to the god of lightning, Hurakan, whose gigantic face,
once dominating the basement wall, has now disappeared. This face possessed
huge mustachios, appendages unknown to the Maya race; and, indeed, we arc
struck with the frequency with which Mexican and Mayan gods and heroes are
adorned with beards and other hirsute ornaments both on the monuments and in
the manuscripts. Was the original governing class a bearded race? It is
scarcely probable. Whence, then, the ever-recurring beard and moustache?
These may have been developed in the priestly class by constant ceremonial
shaving, which often produces a thin beard in the Mongolians-as witness the
modern Japanese, who in imitating a custom of the West often succeed in
producing quite respectable beards.
A Colossal Head
Not far away is to be found a gigantic head, probably that of the god
Itzamna. It is 13 feet in height, and the features were formed by first
roughly tracing them in rubble, and afterwards coating the whole with
plaster. The figure is surrounded by spirals, symbols of wind or speech. On
the opposite side of the pyramid alluded to above is found a wonderful bas-
relief representing a tiger couchant, with a human head of the Maya type,
probably depicting one of the early ancestors of the Maya, Balam-Quitze
(Tiger with the Sweet Smile), of whom we read in the Popol Vuh.
Chichen-Itza
At Chichen-Itza, in Yucatan, the chief wonder is the gigantic pyramid-temple
known as El Castillo. It is reached by a steep flight of steps, and from it
the vast ruins of Chichen radiate in a circular manner. To the east is the
market-place, to the north a mighty temple, and a tennis-court, perhaps the
best example of its kind in Yucatan, whilst to the west stand the Nunnery
and the Chichan-Chob, or prison. Concerning Chichen-Itza Cogolludo tells the
following story: "A king of Chichen called Canek fell desperately in love
with a young princess, who, whether she did not return his affection or
whether she was compelled to obey a parental mandate, married a more
powerful Yucatec cacique. The discarded lover, unable to bear his loss, and
moved by love and despair, armed his dependents and suddenly fell upon his
successful rival. Then the gaiety of the feast was exchanged for the din of
war, and amidst the confusion the Chichen prince disappeared, carrying off
the beautiful bride. But conscious that his power was less than his rival's,
and fearing his vengeance, he fled the country with most of his vassals." It
is a historical fact that the inhabitants of Chichen abandoned their city,
but whether for the reason given in this story or not cannot be discovered.
The Nunnery
The Nunnery at Chichen is a building of great beauty of outline and
decoration, the frieze above the doorway and the fretted ornamentation of
the upper story exciting the admiration of most writers on the subject. Here
dwelt the sacred women, the chief of whom, like their male prototypes, were
dedicated to Kukulcan and regarded with much reverence. The base of the
building is occupied by eight large figures, and over the door is the
representation of a priest with a panache, whilst a row of gigantic heads
crowns the north façade. Here, too, are figures of the wind-god, with
projecting lips, which many generations of antiquarians took for heads of
elephants with waving trunks! The entire building is one of the gems of
Central American architecture, and delights the eye of archćologist and
artist alike. In El Castillo are found wonderful bas-reliefs depicting
bearded men, evidently the priests of Quetzalcoatl, himself bearded, and to
the practised eye one of these would appear to be wearing a false hirsute
appendage, as kings were wont to do in ancient Egypt. Were these beards
artificial and symbolical?
The "Writing in the Dark"
The Akab-sib (Writing in the Dark) is a bas-relief found on the lintel of an
inner door at the extremity of the building. It represents a figure seated
before a vase, with outstretched forefinger, and whence it got its
traditional appellation it would be hard to say, unless the person
represented is supposed to be in the act of writing. The figure is
surrounded by inscriptions. At Chichen were found a statue of TIaloc, the
god of rain or moisture, and immense torsos representing Kukulcan. There
also was a terrible well into which men were cast in time of drought as a
propitiation to the rain-god.
Kabah
At Kabah there is a marvellous frontage which strikingly recalls that of a
North American Indian totem-house in its fantastic wealth of detail. The
ruins are scattered over a large area, and must all have been at one time
painted in brilliant colours. Here two horses' heads in stone were
unearthed, showing that the natives had copied faithfully the steeds of the
conquering Spaniards. Nothing is known of the history of Kabah, but its
neighbour, Uxmal, fifteen miles distant, is much more famous.
Uxmal
The imposing pile of the Casa del Gobernador (Governor's Palace, so called)
at Uxmal is perhaps the best known and described of all the aboriginal
buildings of Central America. It occupies three successive colossal
terraces, and its frieze runs in a line of 325 feet, and is divided into
panels, each of which frames a gigantic head of priest or deity. The
striking thing concerning this edifice is that although it has been
abandoned for over three hundred years it is still almost as fresh
architecturally as when it left the builder's hands. Here and there a lintel
has fallen, or stones have been removed in a spirit of vandalism to assist
in the erection of a neighbouring hacienda, but on the whole we possess in
it the most unspoiled piece of Yucatec building in existence. On the side of
the palace where stands the main entrance, directly over the gateway, is the
most wonderful fretwork and ornamentation, carried out in high relief, above
which soar three eagles in hewn stone, surmounted by a plumed human head. In
the plinth are three heads, which in type recall the Roman, surrounded by
inscriptions. A clear proof of the comparative lateness of the period in
which Uxmal was built is found in the circumstance that all the lintels over
the doorways are of wood, of which much still exists in a good state of
preservation. Many of the joists of the roofs were also of timber, and were
fitted into the stonework by means of specially carved ends.
The Dwarf's House
There is also a nunnery which forcibly recalls that at Chichen, and is quite
as elaborate and flamboyant in its architectural design. But the real
mystery at Uxmal is the Casa del Adivino (The Prophet's House), also locally
known as "The Dwarf's House." It consists of two portions, one of which is
on the summit of an artificial pyramid, whilst the other, a small but
beautifully finished chapel, is situated lower down facing the town. The
loftier building is reached by an exceedingly steep staircase, and bears
every evidence of having been used as a sanctuary, for here were discovered
cacao and copal, recently burnt, by Cogolludo as late as 1656, which is good
evidence that the Yucatecs did not all at once abandon their ancient faith
at the promptings of the Spanish fathers.
The Legend of the Dwarf
In his Travels in Yucatan Stephens has a legend relating to this house which
may well be given in his own words: "An old woman," he says, "lived alone in
her hut, rarely leaving her chimney-corner. She was much distressed at
having no children, and in her grief one day took an egg, wrapped it up
carefully in cotton cloth, and put it in a corner of her hut. She looked
every day in great anxiety, but no change in the egg was observable. One
morning, however, she found the shell broken, and a lovely tiny creature was
stretching out its arms to her. The old woman was in raptures. She took it
to her heart, gave it a nurse, and was so careful of it that at the end of a
year the baby walked and talked as well as a grown-up man. But he stopped
growing. The good old woman in her joy and delight exclaimed that the baby
should be a great chief. One day she told him to go to the kin 's palace and
engage him in a trial of strength. The dwarf begged hard not to be sent on
such an enterprise. But the old woman insisted on his going, and he was
obliged to obey. When ushered into the presence of the sovereign he thrcw
down his gauntlet. The latter smiled, and asked him to lift a stone of three
arobes (75 lb.). The child returned crying to his mother, who sent him back,
saying, 'If the king can lift the stone, you can lift it too.' The king did
take it up, but so did the dwarf. His strength was tried in many other ways,
but all the king did was as easily done by the dwarf. Wroth at being outdone
by so puny a creature, the prince told the dwarf that unless he built a
palace loftier than any in the city he should die. The affrighted dwarf
returned to the old woman, who bade him not to despair, and the next morning
they both awoke in the palace which is still standing. The king saw the
palace with amazement. He instantly sent for the dwarf, and desired him to
collect two bundles of cogoiol (a kind of hard wood), with one of which he
would strike the dwarf on the head) and consent to be struck in return by
his tiny adversary. The latter again returned to his mother moaning and
lamenting. But the old woman cheered him up, and, placing a tortilla on his
head, sent him back to the king. The trial took place in the presence of all
the state grandees. The king broke the whole of his bundle on the dwarf's
head without hurting him in the least, seeing which he wished to save his
own head from the impending ordeal; but his word had been passed before his
assembled court, and he could not well refuse. The dwarf struck, and at the
second blow the king's skull was broken to pieces. The spectators
immediately proclaimed the victorious dwarf their sovereign. After this the
old woman disappeared. But in the village of Mani, fifty miles distant, is a
deep well leading to a subtcrraneous passage which extends as far as Merida.
In this passage is an old woman sitting on the bank of a river shaded by a
great tree, having a serpent by her side. She sells water in small
quantities, accepting no money, for she must have human beings, innocent
babies, which are devoured by the serpent. This old woman is the dwarf's
mother."
The interpretation of this myth is by no means difficult. The old woman is
undoubtedly the rain-Goddess, the dwarf the Man of the Sun who emerges from
the cosmic egg. In Yucatan dwarfs were sacred to the sun-god, and were
occasionally sacrificed to him, for reasons which appear obscure.
The Mound of Sacrifice
Another building at Uxmal the associations of which render it of more than
passing interest is the Pyramid of Sacrifice, an edifice built on the plan
of the Mexican teocalli. Indeed, it is probably of Aztec origin, and may
even have been erected by the mercenaries who during the fifteenth century
swarmed from Mexico into Yucatan and Guatemala to take service with the
rival chieftains who carried on civil war in those states. Beside this is
another mound which was crowned by a very beautiful temple, now in an
advanced state of ruin. The "Pigeon House" is an ornate pile with pinnacles
pierced by large openings which probably served as dovecotes. The entire
architecture of Uxmal displays a type more primitive than that met elsewhere
in Yucatan. There is documentary evidence to prove that so late as 1673 the
Indians still worshipped in the ruins of Uxmal, where they burnt copal, and
performed "other detestable sacrifices." So that even a hundred and fifty
years of Spanish rule had not sufficed to wean the natives from the worship
of the older gods to whom their fathers had for generations bowed down. This
would also seem conclusive evidence that the ruins of Uxmal at least were
the work of the existing race.
The Phantom City
In his Travels in Central America Stephens recounts a fascinating story told
him by a priest of Santa Cruz del Quiche, to the effect that four days'
journey from that place a great Indian city was to be seen, densely
populated, and preserving the ancient civilisation of the natives. He had,
indeed, beheld it from the summit of a cliff, shining in glorious whiteness
many leagues away. This was perhaps Lorillard City, discovered by Suarez,
and afterwards by Charnay. In general type Lorillard closely resembles
Palenque. Here was found a wonderfully executed stone idol, which Charnay
thought represented a different racial type from that seen in the other
Central American cities. The chief finds of interest in this ancient city
were the intricate bas-reliefs, one over the central door of a temple,
probably a symbolic representation of Quetzalcoatl, who holds the rain-
cross, in both hands, and is seen vis-ŕ-vis with an acolyte, also holding
the symbol, though it is possible that the individual represented may have
been the high-priest of Quetzalcoatl or Kukulcan. Another bas-relief
represents a priest sacrificing to Kukulcan by passing a rope of maguey
fibre over his tongue for the purpose of drawing blood -an instance of the
substitution in sacrifice of the part for the whole.
The Horse-God
At Peten-Itza, Cortés left his horse, which had fallen sick, to the care of
the Indians. The animal died under their mismanagement and because of the
food offered it, and the terrified natives, fancying it a divine being,
raised an image of it, and called it Izimin Chac (Thunder and Lightning),
because they had seen its rider discharge a firearm, and they imagined that
the flash and the report had proceeded from the creature. The sight of the
idol aroused such wrath in the zealous bosom of a certain Spanish monk that
he broke it with a huge stone-and, but for the interference of the cacique,
would have suffered death for his temerity. Peten was a city "filled with
idols," as was Tayasal, close at hand, where in the seventeenth century no
less than nine new temples were built, which goes to prove that the native
religion was by no means extinct. One of these new temples, according to
Villagutierre, had a Spanish balcony of hewn stone! In the Temple of the Sun
at Tikal, an adjoining city, is a wonderful altar panel, representing in
unknown deity, and here also are many of those marvellously carved idols of
which Stephens gives such capital illustrations in his fascinating book.
Copan
Copan, one of the most interesting of these wondrous city-centres., the name
of which has, indeed, become almost a household word, is in the same
district as the towns just described, and abounds chiefly in monolithic
images. It yielded after a desperate struggle to Hernandez de Chaves, one of
Alvarado's lieutenants, in 1530. The monolithic images so abundantly
represented here are evolved from the stelx and the bas relief, and are not
statues in the proper sense of the term, as they are not completely cut away
from the stone background out of which they were carved. An altar found at
Copan exhibits real skill in sculpture, the head-dresses, ornaments, and
expressions of the eight figures carved on its sides being elaborate in the
extreme and exceedingly lifelike. Here again we notice a fresh racial type,
which goes to prove that one race alone cannot have been responsible for
these marvellous ruined cities and all that they contain and signify. We
have to imagine a shifting of races and a fluctuation of peoples in Central
America such as we know took place in Europe and Asia before we can rightly
understand the ethnological problems of the civilised sphere of the New
World, and any theory which does not take due account of such conditions is
doomed to failure.
Mitla
We now come to the last of these stupendous remnants of a vanished
civilisation-Mitla, by no means the least of the works of civilised man in
Central America. At the period of the conquest the city occupied a wide
area, but at the present time only six palaces and three ruined pyramids are
left standing. The great palace is a vast edifice in the shape of the letter
T, and measures 130 feet in its greater dimension, with an apartment of a
like size. Six monolithic columns which supported the roof still stand in
gigantic isolation, but the roof itself has long fallen in. A dark passage
leads to the inner court, and the walls of this are covered with mosaic work
in panels which recalls somewhat the pattern known as the "Greek fret." The
lintels over the doorways are of huge blocks of stone nearly eighteen feet
long. Of this building Viollet-le-Duc says: "The monuments of Greece and
Rome in their best time can alone compare with the splendour of this great
edifice."
A Place of Sepulture
The ruins at Mitla bear no resemblance to those of Mexico or Yucatan, either
as regards architecture or ornamentation, for whereas the Yucatec buildings
possess overlapping walls, the palaces of Mitla consist of perpendicular
walls intended to support flat roofs. Of these structures the second and
fourth palaces alone are in such a state of preservation as to permit of
general description. The second palace shows by its sculptured lintel and
two inner columns that the same arrangement was observed in its construction
as in the great palacejust described. The fourth palace has on its southern
faqade oblong panels and interesting caryatides or pillars in the shape of
human figures. These palaces consisted of four upper apartments, finely
sculptured, and a like number of rooms on the lower story, which was
occupied by the high-priest, and to which the king came to mourn on the
demise of a relative. Here, too, the priests were entombed, and in an
adjoining room the idols were kept. Into a huge underground chamber the
bodies of eminent warriors and sacrificial victims were cast. Attempts have
been made to identify Mitla with Mictlan, the Mexican Hades, and there is
every reason to suppose that the identification is correct. It must be borne
in mind that Mictlan was as much a place of the dead as a place of
punishment, as was the Greek Hades, and therefore might reasonably, signify
a place of sepulture, such as Mitla undoubtedly was. The following passages
from the old historians of Mitla, Torquemada and Burgoa, throw much light on
this aspect of the city, and besides are full of the most intense interest
and curious information, so that they may be given in extenso. But before
passing on to them we should for a moment glance at Seler's suggestion that
the American race imagined that their ancestors had originally issued from
the underworld through certain caverns into the light of day, and that this
was the reason why Mitla was not only a burial-place but a sanctuary.
An Old Description of Mitla
Of Mitla Father Torquemada writes:
"When some monks of my order, the Franciscan, passed, preaching and
shriving, through the province of Zapoteca, whose capital city is
Tehuantepec, they came to a village which was called Mictlan, that is,
Underworld [Hell]. Besides mentioning the large number of people in the
village they told of buildings which were prouder and more magnificent than
any which they had hitherto seen in New Spain. Among them was a temple of
the evil spirit and living-rooms for his demoniacal servants, and among
other fine things there was a hall with ornamented panels, which were
constructed of stone in a variety of arabesques and other very remarkable
designs. There were doorways there, each one of which was built of but three
stones, two upright at the sides and one across them, in such a manner that,
although these doorways were very high and broad, the stones sufficed for
their entire construction. They were so thick and broad that we were assured
there were few like them. There was another hall in these buildings, or
rectangular temples, which was erected entirely on round stone pillars, very
high and very thick, so thick that two grown men could scarcely encircle
them with their arms, nor could one of them reach the finger-tips of the
other. These pillars were all in one piece, and, it was said, the whole
shaft of a pillar measured 5 ells from top to bottom, and they were very
much like those of the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, very
skilfully made and polished."
Father Burgoa gives a more exact description. He says:
"The Palace of the Living and of the Dead was built for the use of this
person [the high-priest of the Zapotecs]. . . . They built this magnificent
house or pantheon in the shape of a rectangle, with portions rising above
the earth and portions built down into the earth, the latter in the hole or
cavity which was found below the surface of the earth, and ingeniously made
the chambers of equal size by the manner of joining them, leaving a spacious
court in the middle; and in order to secure four equal chambers they
accomplished what barbarian heathen (as they were) could only achieve by the
powers and skill of an architect. It is not known in what stone-pit they
quarried the pillars, which are so thick that two men can scarcely encircle
them with their arms. These are, to be sure, mere shafts without capital or
pedestal, but they are wonderfully regular and smooth, and they are about 5
ells high and in one piece. These served to support the roof, which consists
of stone slabs instead of beams. The slabs are about 2 ells long, 1 ell
broad, and half an ell thick, extending from pillar to pillar. The pillars
stand in a row, one behind the other, in order to receive the weight. The
stone slabs are so regular and so exactly fitted that, without any mortar or
cement, at the joints they resemble mortised beams. The four rooms, which
are very spacious, are arranged in exactly the same way and covered with the
same kind of roofing. But in the construction of the walls the greatest
architects of the earth have been surpassed, as I have not found this kind
of architecture described either among the Egyptians or among the Greeks,
for they begin at the base with a narrow outline and, as the structure rises
in height, spread out in wide copings at the top, so that the upper part
exceeds the base in breadth and looks as if it would fall over. The inner
side of the walls consists of a mortar or stucco of such hardness that no
one knows with what kind of liquid it could have been mixed. The outside is
of such extraordinary workmanship that on a masonry wall about an ell in
height there are placed stone slabs with a projecting edge, which form the
support for an endless number of small white stones, the smallest of which
are a sixth of an ell long, half as broad, and a quarter as thick, and which
are as smooth and regular as if they had all come from one mould. They had
so many of these stones that, setting them in, one beside the other, they
formed with them a large number of different beautiful geometric designs,
each an ell broad and running the whole length of the wall, each varying in
pattern up to the crowning piece, which was the finest of all. And what has
always seemed inexplicable to the greatest architects is the adjustment of
these little stones without a single handful of mortar, and the fact that
without tools, with nothing but hard stones and sand, they could achieve
such solid work that, though the whole structure is very old and no one
knows who made it, it has been preserved until the present day.
Human Sacrifice at Mitla
"I carefully examined these monuments some thirty years ago in the chambers
above ground, which are constructed of the same size and in the same way as
those below ground, and, though single pieces were in ruins because some
stones had become loosened, there was still much to admire. The doorways
were very large, the sides of each being of single stones of the same
thickness as the wall, and the lintel was made out of another stone which
held the two lower ones together at the top. There were four chambers above
ground and four below. The latter were arranged according to their purpose
in such a way that one front chamber served as chapel and sanctuary for the
idols) which were placed on a great stone which served as an altar. And for
the more important feasts which they celebrated with sacrifices, or at the
burial of a king or great lord, the high-priest instructed the lesser
priests or the subordinate temple officials who served him to prepare the
chapel and his vestments and a large quantity of the incense used by them.
And then he descended with a great retinue, while none of the common people
saw him or dared to look in his face, convinced that if they did so they
would fall dead to the earth as a punishment for their boldness. And when he
entered the chapel they put on him a long white cotton garment made like an
alb, and over that a garment shaped like a dalmatic, which was embroidered
with pictures of wild beasts and birds; and they put a cap on his head, and
on his feet a kind of shoe woven of many coloured feathers. And when he had
put on these garments he walked with solemn mien and measured step to the
altar, bowed low before the idols, renewed the incense, and then in quite
unintelligible murmurs he began to converse with these images, these
depositories of infernal spirits, and continued in this sort of prayer with
hideous grimaces and writhings, uttering inarticulate sounds, which filled
all present with fear and terror, till he came out of that diabolical trance
and told those standing around the lies and fabrications which the spirit
had imparted to him or which he had invented himself. When human beings were
sacrificed the ceremonies were multiplied, and the assistants of the high-
priest stretched the victim out upon a large stone, baring his breast, which
they tore open with a great stone knife, while the body writhed in fearful
convulsions, and they laid the heart bare, ripping it out, and with it the
soul, which the devil took, while they carried the heart to the high-priest
that he might offer it to the idols by holding it to their mouths, among
other ceremonies; and the body was thrown into the burial-place of their
'blessed,' as they called them. And if after the sacrifice he felt inclined
to detain those who begged any favour he sent them word by the subordinate
priests not to leave their houses till their gods were appeased, and he
commanded them to do penance meanwhile, to fast and to speak with no woman,
so that, until this father of sin had interceded for the absolution of the
penitents and had declared the gods appeased, they did not dare to cross
their thresholds.
"The second (underground) chamber was the burial-place of these high-
priests, the third that of the kings of Theozapotlan, whom they brought
hither rich y dressed in their best attire, feathers, jewels, golden
necklaces, and precious stones, placing a shield in the left hand and a
javelin in the right, just as they used them in war. And at their burial
rites great mourning prevailed; the instruments which were played made
mournful sounds; and with loud wailing and continuous sobbing they chanted
the life and exploits of their lord until they laid him on the structure
which they had prepared or this purpose.
Living Sacrifices
"The last (underground) chamber had a second door at the rear, which led to
a dark and gruesome room. This was closed with a stone slab, which occupied
the whole entrance. Through this door they, threw the bodies of the victims
and of the great lords and chieftains who had fallen in battle, and they
brought them from the spot where they fell, even when it was very far off,
to this burial-place; and so great was the barbarous infatuation of those
Indians that, in the belief of the happy life which awaited them, many who
were oppressed by diseases or hardships begged this infamous priest to
accept them as living sacrifices and allow them to enter through that portal
and roam about in the dark interior of the mountain, to seek the feasting-
places of their forefathers. And when any one obtained this favour the
servants of the high-priest led him thither with special ceremonies, and
after they allowed him to enter through the small door they rolled the stone
before it again and took leave of him, and the unhappy man, wandering in
that abyss of darkness, died of hunger and thirst, beginning already in life
the pain of his damnation, and on account of this horrible abyss they called
this village Liyobaa.
The Cavern of Death
"When later there fell upon these people the light of the Gospel, its
servants took much trouble to instruct them, and to find out whether this
error, common to all these nations, still prevailed; and they learned from
the stories which had been handed down that all were convinced that this
damp cavern extended more than thirty leagues underground, and that its roof
was supported by pillars. And there were people, zealous prelates anxious
for knowledge, who, in order to convince these ignorant people of their
error, went into this cave accompanied by a large number of people bearing
lighted torches and firebrands, and descended several large steps. And they
soon came upon many great buttresses which formed a kind of street. They had
prudently brought a quantity of rope with them to use as guiding-lines, that
they might not lose themselves in this confusing labyrinth. And the
putrefaction and the bad odour and the dampness of the earth were very
great, and there was also a cold wind which blew out their torches. And
after they had gone a short distance, fearing to be overpowered by the
stench, or to step on poisonous reptiles, of which some had been seen, they
resolved to go out again, and to completely wall up this back door of hell.
The four buildings above ground were the only ones which still remained
open, and they had a court and chambers like those underground; and the
ruins of these have lasted even to the present day.
Palace of the High-Priest
"One of the rooms above ground was the palace of the high-priest, where he
sat and slept, for the apartment offered room and opportunity for
everything. The throne was like a high cushion, with a high back to lean
ainst, all of tiger-skin, stuffed entirely with delicate afeathers, or with
fine grass which was used for this purpose. The other seats were smaller,
even when the king came to visit him. The authority of this devilish priest
was so great that there was no one who dared to cross the court, and to
avoid this the other three chambers had doors in the rear, through which
even the kings entered. For this purpose they had alleys and passage-ways on
the outside above and below, by which people could enter and go out when
they came to see the high-priest. . . .
"The second chamber above ground was that of the priests and the assistants
of the high-priest. The third was that of the king when he came. The fourth
was that of the other chieftains and captains, and though the space was
small for so great a number, and for so many different families, yet they
accommodated themselves to each other out of respect for the place, and
avoided dissensions and factions. Furthermore, there was no other
administration of justice in this place than that of the high-priest, to
whose unlimited power all bowed.
Furniture of the Temples
"All the rooms were clean, and well furnished with mats. It was not the
custom to sleep on bedsteads, however great a lord might be. They used very
tastefully braided mats, which were spread on the floor, and soft skins of
animals and delicate fabrics for coverings. Their food consisted usually of
animals killed in the hunt-deer, rabbits, armadillos, &c., and also birds,
which they killed with snares or arrows. The bread, made of their maize, was
white and well kneaded. Their drinks were always cold, made of ground
chocolate, which was mixed with water and pounded maize. Other drinks were
made of pulpy and of crushed fruits, which were then mixed with the
intoxicating drink prepared from the agave; for since the common people were
forbidden the use of intoxicating drinks, there was always an abundance of
these on hand."
CHAPTER V: MYTHS OF THE MAYA
Mythology of the Maya
OUR knowledge of the mythology of the Maya is by no means so full and
comprehensive as in the case of Mexican mythology. Traditions are few and
obscure, and the hieroglyphic matter is closed to us. But one great mine of
Maya-Kiche mythology exists which furnishes us with much information
regarding Kiche cosmogony and pseudo-history, with here and there an
interesting allusion to the various deities of the Kiche pantheon. This is
the Popol Vuh, a volume in which a little real history is mingled with much
mythology. It was composed in the form in which we now possess it by a
Christianised native of Guatemala in the seventeenth century, and copied in
Kiche, in which it was originally written, by one Francisco Ximenes, a monk,
who also added to it a Spanish translation.
The Lost "Popol Vuh"
For generations antiquarians interested in this wonderful compilation were
aware that it existed somewhere in Guatemala, and many were the regrets
expressed regarding their inability to unearth it. A certain Don Felix
Cabrera had made use of it early in the nineteenth century, but the
whereabouts of the copy he had seen could not be discovered. A Dr. C.
Scherzer, of Austria, resolved, if possible, to discover it, and paid a
visit to Guatemala in 1854 for that purpose. After a diligent search he
succeeded in finding the lost manuscript in the University of San Carlos in
the city of Guatemala. Ximenes, the copyist, had placed it in the library of
the convent of Chichicastenango. whence it passed to the San Carlos library
in 1830
Genuine Character of the Work
Much doubt has been cast upon the genuine character of the Popol Vuh,
principally by persons who were almost if not entirely ignorant of the
problems of preColumbian history in America. Its genuine character, however,
is by no means difficult to prove. It has been stated that it is a mere
réchauffé of the known facts of Maya history coloured by Biblical knowledge,
a native version of the Christian Bible. But such a theory will not stand
when it is shown that the matter it contains squares with the accepted facts
of Mexican mythology, upon which the Popol Vuh throws considerable light.
Moreover, the entire work bears the stamp of being a purely native
compilation, and has a flavour of great antiquity. Our knowledge of the
general principles of mythology, too, prepares us for the unqualified
acceptance of the material of the Popol Vuh, or we find there the stories
and tales, the conceptions and ideas connected with early religion which are
the property of no one people, but of all peoples and races in an early
social state.
Likeness to other Pseudo-Histories
We find in this interesting book a likeness to many other works of early
times. The Popol Vuh is, indeed, of the same genre and class as the
Heimskringla of Snorre, the history of Saxo Grammaticus, the Chinese history
in the Five Books, the Japanese Nihongi, and many other similar
compilations. But it surpasses all these in pure interest because it is the
only native American work that has come down to us from pre-Columbian times.
The name "Popol Vuh " means "The Collection of Written Leaves," which proves
that the book must have contained traditional matter reduced to writing at a
very early period. It is, indeed, a compilation of mythological character,
interspersed with pseudo-history, which, as the account reaches modern
times, shades off into pure history and tells the deeds of authentic
personages. The Ianguage in which it was written, the Kiche, was a dialect
of the Maya-Kiche tongue spoken at the time of the conquest in Guatemala,
Honduras, and San Salvador, and still the tongue of the native populations
in these districts.
The Creation Story
The beginning of this interesting book is taken up with the Kiche story of
the creation, and what occurred directly subsequent to that event. We are
told that the god Hurakan, the mighty wind, a deity in whom we can discern a
Kiche equivalent to Tezcatlipoca, passed over the universe, still wrapped in
gloom. He called out "Earth", and the solid land appeared. Then the chief
gods took counsel among themselves as to what should next be made. These
were Hurakan, Gucumatz or Quetzalcoatl, and Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the mother
and father gods. They agreed that animals should be created. This was
accomplished, and they next turned their attention to the framing of man.
They made a number of mannikins carved out of wood. But these were
irreverent and angered the gods, who resolved to bring about their downfall.
Then Hurakan (The Heart of Heaven) caused the waters to be swollen, and a
mighty flood came upon the mannikins. Also a thick resinous rain descended
upon them. The bird Xecotcovach tore out their eyes, the bird Camulatz cut
off their heads, the bird Cotzbalarn devoured their flesh, the bird
Tecumbalam broke their bones and sinews and ground them into powder. Then
all sorts of beings, great and small, abused the mannikins. The household
utensils and domestic animals jeered at them, and made game of them in their
plight. The dogs and hens said: "Very badly have you treated us and you have
bitten us. Now we bite you in turn." The millstones said: "Very much were we
tormented by you, and daily, daily, night and day, it was squeak, screech,
screech, holi, holi, huqi, huqi, for your sake. Now you shall feel our
strength, and we shall grind your flesh and make meal of your bodies. " And
the dogs growled at the unhappy images because they had not been fed, and
tore them with their teeth. The cups and platters said: "Pain and misery you
gave us, smoking our tops and sides, cooking us over the fire, burning and
hurting us as if we had no feeling. Now it is your turn, and you shall
burn." The unfortunate mannikins ran hither and thither in their despair.
They mounted upon the roofs of the houses, but the houses crumbled beneath
their feet; they tried to climb to the tops of the trees, but the trees
hurled them down; they were even repulsed by the caves, which closed before
them. Thus this ill-starred race was finally destroyed and overthrown, and
the only vestiges of them which remain are certain of their progeny, the
little monkeys which dwell in the woods.
Vukub-Cakix, the Great Macaw
Ere the earth was quite recovered from the wrathful flood which had
descended upon it there lived a being orgulous and full of pride, called
Vukub-Cakix (Seventimes-the-colour-of-fire-the Kiche name for the great
macaw bird). His teeth were of emerald, and other parts of him shone with
the brilliance of gold and silver. In short, it is evident that he was a
sun-and-moon god of prehistoric times. He boasted dreadfully, and his
conduct so irritated the other gods that they resolved upon his destruction.
His two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan (Cockspur or Earth-heaper, and
Earthquake), were earthquake-gods of the type of the Jotuns of Scandinavian
myth or the Titans of Greek legend. These also were prideful and arrogant,
and to cause their downfall the gods despatched the heavenly twins Hun-Apu
and Xbalanque to earth, with instructions to chastise the trio.
Vukub-Cakix prided himself upon his possession of the wonderful nanze-tree,
the tapal, bearing a fruit round, yellow, and aromatic, upon which he
breakfasted every morning. One morning he mounted to its summit, whence he
could best espy the choicest fruits, when he was surprised and infuriated to
observe that two strangers had arrived there before him, and had almost
denuded the tree of its produce. On seeing Vukub, Hun-Apu raised a blow-pipe
to his mouth and blew a dart at the giant. It struck him on the mouth, and
he fell from the top of the tree to the ground. Hun-Apu leapt down upon
Vukub and grappled with him, but the giant in terrible anger seized the god
by the arm and wrenched it from the body. He then returned to his house,
where he was met by his wife, Chimalmat, who inquired for what reason he
roared with pain. In reply he pointed to his mouth, and so full of anger was
he against Hun-Apu that he took the arm he had wrenched from him and hung it
over a blazing fire. He then threw himself down to bemoan his injuries,
consoling himself, however, with the idea that he had avenged himself upon
the disturbers of his peace.
Whilst Vukub-Cakix moaned and howled with the dreadful pain which he felt in
his jaw and teeth (for the dart which had pierced him was probably poisoned)
the arm of Hun-Apu hung over the fire, and was turned round and round and
basted by Vukub's spouse, Chimalmat. The sun-god rained bitter imprecations
upon the interlopers who had penetrated to his paradise and had caused him
such woe, and he gave vent to dire threats of what would happen if he
succeeded in getting them into his power.
But Hun-Apu and Xbalanque were not minded that Vukub-Cakix should escape so
easily, and the recovery of Hun-Apu's arm must be made at all hazards. So
they went to consult two great and wise magicians, Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, in
whom we see two of the original Kiche creative deities, who advised them to
proceed with them in disguise to the dwelling of Vukub, if they wished to
recover the lost arm. The old magicians resolved to disguise themselves as
doctors, and dressed Hun-Apu and Xbalanque in other garments to represent
their sons.
Shortly they arrived at the mansion of Vukub, and while still some way off
they could hear his groans and cries. Presenting themselves at the door,
they accosted him. They told him that they had heard some one crying out in
pain, and that as famous doctors they considered it their duty to ask who
was suffering.
Vukub appeared quite satisfied, but closely questioned the old wizards
concerning the two young men who accompanied them.
"They are our sons," they replied.
"Good," said Vukub. " Do you think you will be able to cure me?"
"We have no doubt whatever upon that head."
answered Xpiyacoc. "You have sustained very bad injuries to your mouth and
eyes."
"The demons who shot me with an arrow from their, blow-pipe are the cause of
my sufferings," said Vukub. "If you are able to cure me I shall reward you
richly."
"Your Highness has many bad teeth, which must be removed," said the wily old
magician. "Also the balls of your eyes appear to me to be diseased."
Vukub appeared highly alarmed, but the magicians speedily reassured him.
"It is necessary," said Xpiyacoc, "that we remove your teeth, but we will
take care to replace them with grains of maize, which you will find much
more agreeable in every way."
The unsuspicious giant agreed to the operation, and very quickly Xpiyacoc,
with the help of Xmucane, removed his teeth of emerald, and replaced them by
grains of white maize. A change quickly came over the Titan. His brilliancy
speedily vanished, and when they removed the balls of his eyes he sank into
insensibility and died.
All this time the wife of Vukub was turning Hun-Apu's arm over the fire, but
Hun-Apu snatched the limb from above the brazier, and with the help of the
magicians replaced it upon his shoulder. The discomfiture of Vukub was then
complete. The party left his dwelling feeling that their mission had been
accomplished.
The Earth-Giants
But in reality it was only partially accomplished, because Vukub's two sons,
Zipacna and Cabrakan, still remained to be dealt with. Zipacna was daily
employed in heaping up mountains, while Cabrakan, his brother, shook them in
earthquake. The vengeance of Hun-Apu and Xbalanque was first directed
against Zipacna, and they conspired with a band of young men to bring about
his death.
The young men, four hundred in number, pretended to be engaged in building a
house. They cut down a large tree, which they made believe was to be the
rooftree of their dwelling, and waited in a part of the forest through which
they knew Zipacna must pass. After a while they could hear the giant
crashing through the trees. He came into sight, and when he saw them
standing round the giant tree-trunk, which they could not lift, he seemed
very much amused.
"What have you there, O little ones?" he said laughing.
"Only a tree, your Highness, which we have felled for the roof-tree of a new
house we are building."
"Cannot you carry it?" asked the giant disdainfully.
"No, your Highness," they made answer; "it is much too heavy to be lifted
even by our united efforts."
With a good-natured laugh the Titan stooped and lifted the great trunk upon
his shoulder. Then, bidding them lead the way, he trudged through the
forest, evidently not disconcerted in the least by his great burden. Now the
young men, incited by Hun-Apu and Xbalanque, had dug a great ditch, which
they pretended was to serve for the foundation of their new house. Into this
they requested Zipacna to descend, and, scenting no mischief, the giant
readily complied. On his reaching the bottom his treacherous acquaintances
cast huge trunks of trees upon him, but on hearing them coming down he
quickly took refuge in a small side tunnel which the youths had constructed
to serve as a cellar beneath their house.
Imagining the giant to be killed, they began at once to express their
delight by singing and dancing, and to lend colour to his stratagem Zipacna
despatched several friendly ants to the surface with strands of hair, which
the young men concluded had been taken from his dead body. Assured by the
seeming proof of his death, the youths proceeded to build their house upon
the trec-trunks which they imagined covered Zipacna's body, and, producing a
quantity of pulque, they began to make merry over the end of their enemy.
For some hours their new dwelling rang with revelry.
All this time Zipacna, quietly hidden below, was listening to the hubbub and
waiting his chance to revenge himself upon those who had entrapped him.
Suddenly arising in his giant might, he cast the house and all its inmates
high in the air. The dwelling was utterly demolished, and the band of youths
were hurled with such force into the sky that they remained there, and in
the stars we call the Pleiades we can still discern them wearily waiting an
opportunity to return to earth.
The Undoing of Zipacna
But Hun-Apu and Xbalanquc, grieved that their comrades had so perished,
resolved that Zipacna must not be permitted to escape so easily. He,
carrying the mountains by night, sought his food by day on the shore of the
river, where he wandered catching fish and crabs. The brothers made a large
artificial crab, which they placed in a cavern at the bottom of a ravine.
They then cunningly undermined a huge mountain, and awaited events. Very
soon they saw Zipacna wandering along the side of the river, and asked him
where he was going.
"Oh, I am only seeking my daily food," replied the giant.
"And what may that consist of asked the brothers.
"Only of fish and crabs," replied Zipacna.
"Oh, there is a crab down yonder," said the crafty brothers, pointing to the
bottom of the ravine. "We espied it as we came along. Truly, it is a great
crab, and will furnish you with a capital breakfast."
Splendid! " cried Zipacna, with glistening eyes. "I must have it at once,"
and with one bound he leapt down to where the cunningly contrived crab lay
in the cavern.
No sooner had he reached it than Hun-Apu and Xbalanque cast the mountain
upon him; but so desperate were his efforts to get free that the brothers
feared he might rid himself of the immense weight of earth under which he
was buried, and to make sure of his fate they turned him into stone. Thus at
the foot of Mount Meahuan, near Vera Paz, perished the proud Mountain-Maker.
The Discomfiture of Cabrakan
Now only the third of this family of boasters remained, and he was the most
proud of any.
"I am the Overturner of Mountains!" said he.
But Hun-Apu and Xbalanque had made up their minds that not one of the race
of Vukub should be left alive.
At the moment when they were plotting the over. throw of Cabrakan he was
occupied in moving mountains. He seized the mountains by their bases and,
exerting his mighty strength, cast them into the air; and of the smaller
mountains he took no account at all. While he was so employed he met the
brothers, who greeted him cordially.
"Good day, Cabrakan," said they. " What may you be doing? "
"Bah! nothing at all," replied the giant. " Cannot you see that I am
throwing the mountains about, which is my usual occupation? And who may you
be that ask such stupid questions? What arc your names?"
"We have no names " replied they. "We are only hunters, and here we have our
blow-pipes, with which we shoot the birds that live in these mountains. So
you see that we do not require names, as we meet no one."
Cabrakan looked at the brothers disdainfully, and was about to depart when
they said to him: "Stay; we should like to behold these mountain-throwing
feats of yours.
This aroused the pride of Cabrakan.
"Well, since you wish it," said he, "I will show you how I can move a really
great mountain. Now, choose the one you would like to see me destroy, and
before you are aware of it I shall have reduced it to dust."
Hun-Apu looked around him, and espyingy a great peak pointed toward it. 11
Do you think you could overthrow that mountain?" he asked.
"Without the least difficulty," replied Cabrakan, with a great laugh. "Let
us go toward it."
"But first you must cat," said Hun-Apu. "You have had no food since morning,
and so great a feat can hardly be accomplished fasting."
The giant smacked his lips. "You are right" he said, with a hungry look.
Cabrakan was one of those people who are always hungry. "But what have you
to give me?"
"We have nothing with us," said Hun-Apu.
"Umph!" growled Cabrakan, "you are a pretty fellow. You ask me what I will
have to eat, and then tell me you have nothing," and in his anger he seized
one of the smaller mountains and threw it into the sea, so that the waves
splashed up to the sky.
"Come," said Hun-Apu, "don't get angry. We have our blow-pipes with us, and
will shoot a bird for your dinner."
On hearing this Cabrakan grew somewhat quieter. "Why did you not say so at
first? " he growled.
"But be quick, because I am hungry."
Just at that moment a large bird passed overhead, and Hun-Apu and Xbalanque
raised their blow-pipes to their mouths. The darts sped swiftly upward, and
both of them struck the bird, which came tumbling down through the air,
falling at the feet of Cabrakan.
"Wonderful, wonderful!" cried the giant. "You are clever fellows indeed,
and, seizing the dead bird, he was going to eat it raw when Hun-Apu stopped
him.
Wait a moment, said he. "It will be much nicer when cooked," and, rubbing
two sticks together, he ordered Xbalanque to gather some dry wood, so that a
fire was soon blazing.
The bird was then suspended over the fire, and in a short time a savoury
odour mounted to the nostrils of the giant, who stood watching the cooking
with hungry eyes and watering lips.
Before placing the bird over the fire to cook, however, Hun-Apu had smeared
its feathers with a thick coating of mud. The Indians in some parts of
Central America still do this, so that when the mud dries with the heat of
the fire the feathers will come off with it, leaving the flesh of the bird
quite ready to eat. But Hun-Apu had done this with a purpose. The mud that
he spread on the feathers was that of a poisoned earth, called tizate, the
elements of which sank deeply into the flesh of the bird.
When the savoury mess was cooked, he handed it to Cabrakan, who speedily
devoured it.
"Now" said Hun-Apu, "let us go toward that great mountain and see if you can
lift it as you boast."
But already Cabrakan began to feel strange pangs.
"What is this?" said he, passing his hand across his brow. "I do not seem to
see the mountain you mean.
"Nonsense," said Hun-Apu. Yonder it is, see, to the east there."
"My eyes seem dim this morning," replied the giant.
"No, it is not that," said Hun-Apu. "You have boasted that you could lift
this mountain, and now you are afraid to try."
"I tell you," said Cabrakan, "that I have difficulty in seeing. Will you
lead me to the mountain? "
"Certainly," said Hun-Apu, giving him his hand, and with several strides
they were at the foot of the eminence.
" Now," said Hun-Apu, "see what you can do, boaster."
Cabrakan gazed stupidly at the great mass in front of him. His knees shook
together so that the sound was like the beating of a war-drum, and the sweat
poured from his forehead and ran in a little stream down the side of the
mountain.
"Come," cried Hun-Apu derisively, "are you going to lift the mountain or
not?"
"He cannot," sneered Xbalanque. "I knew he could not."
Cabrakan shook himself into a final effort to regain his senses, but all to
no purpose. The poison rushed through his blood, and with a groan he fell
dead before the brothers.
Thus perished the last of the earth-giants of Guatemala, whom Hun-Apu and
Xbalanque had been sent to destroy.
The Second Book
The second book of the Popol Vuh outlines the history of the hero-gods Hun-
Apu and Xbalanque. We are told that Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the father and
mother gods, had two sons, Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-Hunapu, the first of whom
had by his wife Xbakiyalo two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen. The weakness of
the whole family was the native game or ball, possibly the Mexican-Mayan
game of tlachtli, a sort of hockey. To this pastime the natives of Central
America were greatly addicted, and numerous remains of tlachtli courts are
to be found in the ruined cities of Yucatan and Guatemala. The object of the
game was to "putt" the ball through a small hole in a circular stone or
goal, and the player who succeeded in doing this might demand from the
audience all their clothes and jewels. The game, as we have said, was
exceedingly popular in ancient Central America, and there is good reason to
believe that inter-city matches took place between the various city-states,
and were accompanied by a partisanship and rivalry as keen as that which
finds expression among the crowd at our principal football matches to-day.
A Challenge from Hades
On one occasion Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-Hunapu played a game of ball which in
its progress took them into the vicinity of the realm of Xibalba (the Kiche
Hades). The rulers of that drear abode, imagining that they had a chance of
capturing the brothers, extended a challenge to them to play them at ball,
and this challenge Hun-Came and Vukub-Came, the sovereigns of the Kiche
Hell, despatched by four messengers in the shape of owls. The brothers
accepted the challenge, and, bidding farewell to their mother Xmucane and
their respective sons and nephews, followed the feathered messengers down
the long hill which led to the Underworld.
The Fooling of the Brethren
The American Indian is grave and taciturn. If there is one thing he fears
and dislikes more than another it is ridicule. To his austere and haughty
spirit it appears as something derogratory to his dignity, a slur upon his
manhood. The hero-brothers had not been long in Xibalba when they discovered
that it was the intention of the Lords of Hades to fool them and subject
them to every species of indignity. After crossing a river of blood, they
came to the palace of the Lords of Xibalba, where they espied two seated
figures in front of them. Thinking that they recognised in them Hun-Came and
Vukub-Came, they saluted them in a becoming manner, only to discover to
their mortification that they were addressing fifurcs of wood. This incident
excited the ribald jeers o the Xibalbans, who scoffed at the brothers. Next
they were invited to sit on the seat of honour, which they found to their
dismay to be a red-hot stone, a circumstance which caused unbounded
amusement to the inhabitants of the Underworld. Then they were imprisoned in
the House of Gloom, where they were sacrificed and buried. The head of
Hunhun-Apu was, however, suspended from a tree, upon the branches of which
grew a crop of gourds so like the dreadful trophy as to be indistinguishable
from it. The fiat went forth that no one in Xibalba must eat of the fruit of
that tree. But the Lords of Xibalba had reckoned without feminine curiosity
and its unconquerable love of the forbidden.
The Princess Xquiq
One day-if day ever penetrated to that gloomy and unwholesome place-a
princess of Xibalba called Xquiq (Blood), daughter of Cuchumaquiq, a
notability of Xibalba, passed under the tree, and, observing the desirable
fruit with which it was covered, stretched out her hand to pluck one of the
gourds. Into the outstretched palm the head of Hunhun-Apu spat, and told
Xquiq that she would become a mother. Before she returned home, however, the
hero-god assured her that no harm would come to her, and that she must not
be afraid. In a few months' time the princess's father heard of her
adventure, and she was doomed to be slain, the royal messengers of Xibalba,
the owls, receiving commands to despatch her and to bring back her heart in
a vase. But on the way she overcame the scruples of the owls by splendid
promises, and they substituted for her heart the coagulated sap of the
bloodwort plant.
The Birth of Hun-Apu and Xbalanque
Xmucane, left at home, looked after the welfare of the young Hunbatz and
Hunchouen, and thither, at the instigation of the head of Hunhun-Apu, went
Xquiq for protection. At first Xmucane would not credit her story, but upon
Xquiq appealing to the gods a miracle was performed on her behalf, and she
was permitted to gather a basket of maize where no maize grew to prove the
authenticity of her claim. As a princess of the Underworld, it is not
surprising that she should be connected with such a phenomenon, as it is
from deities of that region that we usually expect the phenomena of growth
to proceed. Shortly afterwards, when she had won the good graces of the aged
Xmucane, her twin sons were born, the Hun-Apu and Xbalanque whom we have
already met as the central figures of the first book.
The Divine Children
But the divine children were both noisy and mischievous. They tormented
their venerable grandmother with their shrill uproar and tricky behaviour.
At last Xmucane, unable to put up with their habits, turned them out of
doors. They took to an outdoor life with surprising case, and soon became
expert hunters and skilful in the use of the serbatana (blow-pipe), with
which they shot birds and small animals. They were badly treated by their
half-brothers Hunbatz and Hunchouen, who, jealous of their fame as hunters,
annoyed them in every possible manner. But the divine children retaliated by
turning their tormentors into hideous apes. The sudden change in the appearn
of her grandsons caused Xmucane the most profound grief and dismay, and she
begged that they who had brightened her home with their singing and flute-
playing might not be condemned to such a dreadful fate. She was informed by
the divine brothers that if she could behold their antics unmoved by mirth
her wish would be granted. But the capers they cut and their grimaces caused
her such merriment that on three separate occasions she was unable to
restrain her laughter, and the men-monkeys took their leave.
The Magic Tools
The childhood of Hun-Apu and Xbalanque was full of such episodes as might be
expected from these beings. We find, for example, that on attempting to
clear a milpa (maize plantation) they employed magic tools which could be
trusted to undertake a good day's work whilst they were absent at the chase.
Returning at night, they smeared soil over their hands and faces, for the
purpose of deluding Xmucane into the belief that they had been toiling all
day in the fields. But the wild beasts met in conclave during the night, and
replaced all the roots and shrubs which the magic tools had cleared away.
The twins recognised the work of the various animals) and placed a large net
on the ground, so that if the creatures came to the spot on the following
night they might be caught in its folds. They did come, but all made good
their escape save the rat. The rabbit and deer lost their tails, however,
and that is why these animals possess no caudal appendages! The rat, in
gratitude for their sparing its life, told the brothers the history of their
father and uncle, of their heroic efforts against the powers of Xibalba, and
of the existence of a set of clubs and balls with which they might play
tlachtli on the ballground at Ninxor-Carchah, where Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-
Hunapu had played before them.
The Second Challenge
But the watchful Hun-Came and Vukub-Came soon heard that the sons and
nephews of their first victims had adopted the game which had led these last
into the clutches of the cunning Xibalbans, and they resolved to send a
similar challenge to Hun-Apu and Xbalanque, thinking that the twins were
unaware of the fate of Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-Hunapu. They therefore
despatched messengers to the home of Xmucane with a challenge to play them
at the ball-game, and Xmucane, alarmed by the nature of the message, sent a
louse to warn her grandsons. The louse, unable to proceed as quickly as he
wished, permitted himself to be swallowed by a toad, the toad by a serpent,
and the serpent by the bird Voc, the messenger O Hurakan. At the end of the
journey the other animals duly liberated each other, but the toad could not
rid himself of the louse, who had in reality hidden himself in the toad's
gums, and had not been swallowed at all. At last the message was delivered,
and the twins returned to the abode of Xmucane, to bid farewell to their
grandmother and mother. Before leaving they each planted a cane in the midst
of the hut, saying that it would wither if any fatal accident befell them.
The Tricksters Tricked
They then proceeded to Xibalba, on the road trodden by Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-
Hunapu, and passed the river of blood.as the others had done. But they
adopted the precaution of despatching ahead an animal called Xan as a sort
of spy or scout. They commanded this animal to prick all the Xibalbans with
a hair from Hun-Apu's leg, in order that they might discover which of them
were made of wood, and incidentally learn the names of the others as they
addressed one another when pricked by the hair. They were thus enabled to
ignore the wooden images on their arrival at Xibalba, and they carefully
avoided the red-hot stone. Nor did the ordeal of the House of Gloom affright
them, and they passed through it scatheless. The inhabitants of the
Underworld were both amazed and furious with disappointment. To add to their
annoyance, they were badly beaten in the game of ball which followed. The
Lords of Hell then requested the twins to bring them four bouquets of
flowers from the royal garden of Xibalba, at the same time commanding the
gardeners to keep good watch over the flowers so thaf none of them might be
removed. But the brothers called to their aid a swarm of ants, who succeeded
in returning with the flowers. The anger of the Xibalbans increased to a
white fury, and they incarcerated Hun-Apu and Xbalanque in the House of
Lances, a dread abode where demons armed with sharp spears thrust at them
fiercely. But they bribed the lancers and escaped. The Xibalbans slit the
beaks of the owls who guarded the royal gardens, and howled in fury.
The Houses of the Ordeals
They were next thrust into the House of Cold. Here they escaped a dreadful
death from freezing by warming themselves with burning pine-cones. Into the
House of Tigers and the House of Fire they were thrown for a night each, but
escaped from both. But they were not so lucky in the House of Bats. As they
threaded this place of terror, Camazotz, Ruler of the Bats, descended upon
them with a whirring of leathern wings, and with one sweep of his sword-like
claws cutoff Hun-Apu's head. (See Mictlan, pp. 95, 96.) But a tortoise which
chanced to pass the severed neck of the hero's prostrate body and came into
contact with it was immediately turned into a head, and Hun-Apu arose from
his terrible experience not a whit the worse.
These various houses in which the brothers were forced to pass a certain
time forcibly recall to our minds the several circles of Dante's Hell.
Xibalba was to the Kiche not a place of punishment, but a dark place of
horror and myriad dangers. No wonder the Maya had what Landa calls " an
immoderate fear of death" if they believed that after it they would be
transported to such a dread abode!
With the object of proving their immortal nature to their adversaries, Hun-
Apu and Xbalanque, first arranging for their resurrection with two
sorcerers, Xulu and Pacaw, stretched themselves upon a bier and died. Their
bones were ground to powder and thrown into the river. They then went
through a kind of evolutionary process, appearing on the fifth day after
their deaths as men-fishes and on the sixth as old men, ragged and
tatterdemalion in appearance, killing and restoring each other to life. At
the request of the princes of Xibalba, they burned the royal palace and
restored it to its pristine splendour, killed and resuscitated the king's
dog, and cut a man in pieces, bringing him to life again. The Lords of Hell
were curious about the sensation of death, and asked to be killed and
resuscitated. The first portion of their request the hero-brothers speedily
granted, but did not deem it necessary to pay any regard to the second.
Throwing off all disguise, the brothers assembled the now thoroughly cowed
princes of Xibalba, and announced their intention of punishing them for
their animosity against themselves, their father and uncle. They were
forbidden to partake in the noble and classic game of ball-a great indignity
in the eyes of Maya of the higher caste-they were condemned to menial tasks,
and they were to have sway over the beasts of the forest alone. After this
their power rapidly waned. These princes of the Underworld are described as
being owl-like, with faces painted black and white, as symbolical of their
duplicity and faithless disposition.
As some reward for the dreadful indignities they had undergone, the souls of
Hunhun-Apu and Vukub-Hunapu, the first adventurers into the darksome region
of Xibalba, were translated to the skies, and became the sun and moon, and
with this apotheosis the second book ends.
We can have no difficulty, in the light of comparative mythology, in seeing
in the matter of this book a version of "the harrying of hell" common to
many mythologies. In many primitive faiths a hero or heroes dares the
countless dangers of Hades in order to prove to the savage mind that the
terrors of death can be overcome. In Algonquian mythology Blue-Jay makes
game of the Dead Folk whom his sister Ioi has married, and Balder passes
through the Scandinavian Helheim. The god must first descend into the abyss
and must emerge triumphant if humble folk are to possess assurance of
immortality.
The Reality of Myth
It is from such matter as that found in the second book of the Popol Vuh
that we are enabled to discern how real myth can be on occasion. It is
obvious, as has been pointed out, that the dread of death in the savage mind
may give rise to such a conception of its vanquishment as appears in the
Popol Vuh. But there is reason to suspect that other elements have also
entered into the composition of the myth. It is well known that an invading
race, driving before them the remnants of a con uered people, are prone to
regard these in the course of a few generations as almost supernatural and
as denizens of a sphere more or less infernal. Their reasons for this are
not difficult of comprehension. To begin with, a difference in ceremonial
ritual gives rise to the belief that the inimical race practises magic. The
enemy is seldom seen, and, if perceived, quickly takes cover or "vanishes."
The majority of aboriginal races were often earth- or cave-dwellers, like
the Picts of Scotland, and such the originals of the Xibalbans probably
were.
The invading Maya-Kiche, encountering such a folk in the cavernous recesses
of the hill-slopes of Guatemala, would naturally refer them to the
Underworld. The cliff-dwellings of Mexico and Colorado exhibit manifest
signs of the existence of such a cave-dwelling race. In the latter state is
the Cliff Palace Caflon, a huge natural recess, within which a small city
was actually built, which still remains in excellent preservation. In some
such semi-subterranean recess, then, may the city of "Xibalba" have stood.
The Xibalbans
We can see., too, that the Xibalbans were not merely a plutonic race.
Xibalba is not a Hell, a place of punishment for sin, but a place of the
dead, and its inhabitants were scarcely "devils," nor evil gods. The
transcriber of the Popol Vuh says of them: "In the old times they did not
have much power. They were but annoyers and opposers of men, and, in truth,
they were not regarded as gods." The word Xibalba is derived from a root
meaning "to fear," from which comes the name for a ghost or phantom. Xibalba
was thus the "Place of Phantoms."
The Third Book
The opening of the third book finds the gods once more deliberating as to
the creation of man. Four men are evolved as the result of these
deliberations. These beings were moulded from a paste of yellow and white
maize, and were named Balam-Quitze (Tiger with the Sweet Smile), Balam-Agab
(Tiger of the Night), Mahacutah (The Distinguished Name), and lqi-Balam
(Tiger of the Moon).
But the god Hurakan who had formed them was not overpleased with his
handiwork, for these beings were too much like the gods themselves. The gods
once more took counsel, and agreed that man must be less perfect and possess
less knowledge than this new race. He must not become as a god. So Hurakan
breathed a cloud over their eyes in order that they might only see a portion
of the earth, whereas before they had been able to see the whole round
sphere of the world. After this the four men were plunged into a deep sleep,
and four women were created, who were given them as wives. These were Caha-
Paluma (Falling Water), Choima (Beautiful Water), Tzununiha (House of the
Water), and Cakixa (Water of Parrots, or Brilliant Water), who were espoused
to the men in the respective order given above.
These eight persons were the ancestors of the Kiche only, after which were
created the forerunners of the other peoples. At this time there was no sun,
and comparative darkness lay over the face of the earth. Men knew not the
art of worship, but blindly lifted their eyes to heaven and prayed the
Creator to send them quiet lives and the light of day. But no sun came, and
dispeace entered their hearts. So they journeyed to a place called Tulan-
Zuiva (The Seven Caves)-practically the same as Chicomoztoc in the Aztec
mythand there gods were vouchsafed to them. The names of these were Tohil,
whom Balam-Quitze recelved; Avilix, whom Balam-Agab received; and Hacavitz,
granted to Mahacutah. lqi-Balarn received a god, but as he had no family his
worship and knowledge died out.
The Granting of Fire
Grievously did the Kiche feel the want of fire in the sunless world they
inhabited, but this the god Tohil (The Rumbler, the Fire-god) quickly
provided them with. However, a mighty rain descended and extinguishcd all
the fires in the land. These, however, were always supplied again by Tohil,
who had only to strike his feet together to produce fire. In this figure
there is no difficulty in seeing a fully developed thunder-god.
The Kiche Babel
Tulan-Zuiva was a place or great misfortune to the Kiche, for here the race
suffered alienation in its different branches by reason of a confounding of
their speech, which recalls the story of Babel. Owing to this the first four
men were no longer able to comprehend each other, and determined to leave
the place of their mischance and to seek the leadership of the god Tohil
into another and more fortunate sphere. In this journey they met with
innumerable hardships. Theyn had to cross many lofty mountains, and on one
occasion had to make a long détour across the bed of the ocean, the waters
of which were miraculously divided to permit of their passage. At last they
arrived at a mountain which they called Hacavitz, after one of their
deities, and here they remained, for it had been foretold that here they
should see the sun. At last the luminary appeared. Men and beasts went wild
with delight. although his beams were by no means strong, and he appeared
more like a reflection in a mirror than the strong sun of later days whose
fiery beams speedily sucked up the blood of victims on the altar. As he
showed his face the three tribal gods of the Kiche were turned into stone,
as were the gods or totems connected with the wild animals. Then arose the
first Kiche town, or permanent dwelling-place.
The Last Days of the First Men
Time passed, and the first men of the Kiche race grew old. Visions came to
them, in which they were exhorted by the gods to render human sacrifices,
and in order to obey the divine injunctions they raided the neighbouring
lands, the folk of which made a spirited resistance. But in a great battle
the Kiche were miraculously assisted by a horde of wasps and hornets, which
flew in the faces of their foes, stinging and blinding them, so that they
could not wield weapon nor see to make any efFectivc resistance. After this
battle the surrounding races became tributary to them.
Death of the First Men
Now the first men felt that their death-day was nigh, and they called their
kin and dependents around them to hear their dying words. In the grief of
their souls they chanted the song "Kamucu," the song "We see," that they had
sung so joyfully when they had first seen the light of day. Then they parted
from their wives and sons one by one. And of a sudden they were not, and in
their place was a great bundle, which was never opened. It was called the "
Majesty Enveloped." So died the first men of the Kiche.
In this book it is clear that we have to deal with the problem which the
origin and creation of man presented to the Maya-Kiche mind. The several
myths connected with it bear a close resemblance to those of other American
peoples. In the mythology of the American Indian it is rare to find an Adam,
a single figure set solitary in a world without companionship of some sort.
Man is almost invariably the child of Mother Earth, and emerges from some
cavern or subterranean country fully grown and fully equipped for the upper
earth-life. We find this type of myth in the m thologies of the Aztecs,
Peruvians, Choctaws, Blackfeet Indians, and those of many other American
tribes.
American Migrations
We also find in the story of the Kiche migration a striking similarity to
the migration myths of other American races. But in the Kiche myth we can
trace a definite racial movement from the cold north to the warm south. The
sun is not at first born. There is darkness. When he does appear he is weak
and his beams are dull and watery like those of the luminary in a northern
clime. Again, there are allusions to the crossing of rivers by means of
"shining sand " which covered them, which might reasonably be held to imply
the presence upon them of ice. In this connection we may quote from an Aztec
migration myth which appears almost a parallel to the Kiche story.
"This is the beginning of the record of the coming of the Mexicans from the
place called Aztlan. It is by means of the water that they came this way,
being four tribes, and in coming they rowed in boats. They built their huts
on piles at the place called the grotto of Quincveyan. It is there from
which the eight tribes issued. The first tribe is that of the Huexotzincos.,
the second the Chalcas, the third the Xochimilcos, the fourth the
Cuitlavacas, the fifth the Mallinalcas, the sixth the Chichimecas, the
seventh the Tepanecas, the eighth the Matlatzincas. It is there where they
were founded in Colhuacan. They were the colonists of it since they landed
there, coming from Aztlan. . . . It is there that they soon afterwards went
away from, carrying with them their god Vitzillopochtli. . . . There the
eight tribes opened up our road by water."
The "Wallum Olum," or painted calendar records, of the Leni-Lenape Indians
contain a similar myth.
"After the flood," says the story,"the Lenape with the manly turtle beings
dwelt close together at the cave house and dwelling of Talli. . . . They saw
that the snake-land was bright and wealthy. Having all agreed, they went
over the water of the frozen sea to possess the land. It was wonderful when
they all went over the smooth deep water of the frozen sea at the gap of the
snake sea in the great ocean."
Do these myths contain any essence of the truth? Do they refer to an actual
migration when the ancestors of certain American tribes crossed the frozen
ocean of the Kamchatka Strait and descended from the sunless north and the
boreal night of these subArctic regions to a more genial clime? Can such a
tradition have been preserved throughout the countless ages which must have
passed between the arrival of proto-Mongolian man in America and the writing
or composition of the several legends cited? Surely not. But may there not
have been later migrations from the north? May not hordes of folk distantly
akin to the first Americans have swept across the frozen strait, and within
a few generations have made their way into the warmer regions, as we know
the Nahua did? The Scandinavian vikings who reached north-eastern America in
the tenth century found there a race totally distinct from the Red Man, and
more approaching the Esquimaux, whom they designated Skrellingr, or "Chips,"
so small and misshapen were they. Such a description could hardly have been
applied to the North American Indian as we know him. From the legends of the
Red race of North America we may infer that they remained for a number of
generations in the Far West of the North American continent before they
migrated eastward. And a guess might be hazarded to the effect that,
arriving in America somewhere about the dawn of the Christian era, they
spread slowly in a south-easterly direction, arriving in the eastern parts
of North America about the end of the eleventh century, or even a little
later. This would mean that such a legend as that which we have just perused
would only require to have survived a thousand years, provided the Popol Vuh
was first composed about the eleventh century, as appears probable. But such
speculations are somewhat dangerous in the face of an almost complete lack
of evidence, and must be met with the utmost caution and treated as surmises
only.
Cosmogony of the "Popol Vuh"
We have now completed our brief survey of the mythological portion of the
Popol Vuh, and it will be well at this point to make some inquiries into the
origin and nature of the various gods, heroes, and similar personages who
fill its pages. Before doing so, however, let us glance at the creation-myth
which we find detailed in the first book. We can see by internal evidence
that this must be the result of the fusion of more than one creation-story.
We find in the myth that mention is made of a number of beings each of whom
appears to exercise in some manner the functions of a creator or "moulder."
These beings also appear to have similar attributes. There is evidently here
the reconciliation of early rival faiths. We know that this occurred in
Peruvian cosmogony, which is notoriously composite, and many another
mythology, European and Asiatic, exhibits a like phenomenon. Even in the
creation-story as given in Genesis we can discover the fusion of two
separate accounts from the allusion to the creative power as both "Jahveh "
and " Elohim," the plural ending of the second name proving the presence of
polytheistic as well as monotheistic conceptions.
Antiquity of the "Popol Vuh"
These considerations lead to the assumption that the Popol Vuh is a
mythological collection of very considerable antiquity, as the fusion of
religious beliefs is a comparatively slow process. It is, of course, in the
absence of other data, impossible to fix the date of its origin, even
approximately. We possess only the one version of this interesting work, so
that we are compelled to confine ourselves to the consideration of that
alone, and are without the assistance which philology would lend us by a
comparison of two versions of different dates.
The Father-Mother Gods
We discover a pair of dual beings concerned in the Kiche creation. These are
Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, the Father-Mother deities, and are obviously Kiche
equivalents to the Mexican Ometecutli-Omeciuatl, whom we have already
noticed (pp. 103-4). The former is the male fructifier, whilst the name of
the latter signifies " Female Vigour." These deities were probably regarded
as hermaphroditic, as numerous North American Indian gods appear to be, and
may be analogous to the "Father Sky" and "Mother Earth " of so many
mythologies.
Gucumatz
We also find Gucumatz concerned in the Kiche scheme of creation. He was a
Maya-Kiche form of the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, or perhaps the converse was the
case. The name signifies, like its Nahua equivalent, "Serpent with Green
Feathers."
Hurakan
Hurakan) the wind-god, " He who hurls below," whose name perhaps signifies
"The One-legged," is probably the same as the Nahua Tezcatlipoca. It has
been suzeested that the word "hurricane " has been evolved rrom the name of
this god, but the derivation seems rather too fortuitous to be real. Hurakan
had the assistance of three sub-gods, Cakulha-Hurakan (Lightning), Chipi-
Cakulha (Lightning-flash), and Raxa-Cakulha (Track of the Lightning).
Hun-Apu and Xbalanque
Hun-Apu and Xbalanque, the hero-gods, appear to have the attributes of demi-
gods in general. The name Hun-Apu means " Master " or "Magician," and
Xbalanque "Little Tiger." We find many such figures in American myth, which
is rich in hero-gods.
Vukub-Cakix and his Sons
Vukub-Cakix and his progeny are, of course, earth-giants like the Titans of
Greek mytnology or the Jötuns of Scandinavian story. The removal of the
emerald teeth of Vukub-Cakix and their replacement by grains of maize would
seem to be a mythical interpretation or allegory of the removal of the
virgin turf of the earth and its replacement by maize-seed. Therefore it is
possible that Vukub-Cakix is an earth-god, and not a prehistoric sun-and-
moon god, as stated by Dr. Seler.
Metrical Origin of the "Popol Vuh"
There is reason to believe that the Popol Vuh was originally a metrical
composition. This would assist the hypothesis of its antiquity, on the
ground that it was for generations recited before being reduced to writing.
Passages here and there exhibit a decided metrical tendency, and one
undoubtedly applies to a descriptive dance symbolical of sunrise. It is as
follows:
"'Ama x-u ch'ux ri Vuch?'
'Ve,' x-cha ri mama.
Ta chi xaquinic.
Quate ta chi gecumarchic.
Cahmul xaquin ri mama.
'Ca xaquin-Vuch,' ca cha vinak vacamic."
This may be rendered freely:
"'Is the dawn about to be?'
Yes,' answered the old man.
Then he spread apart his legs.
Again the darkness appeared.
Four times the old man spread his legs.
'Now the opossum spreads his legs,' Say the people."
It is obvious that many of these lines possess the well-known quality of
savage dance-poetry, which displays itself in a rhythm of one long foot
followed by two short ones. We know that the Kiche were very fond of
ceremonial dances, and of repeating long chants which they called nugum
tzih, or "garlands of words," and the Popol Vuh, along with other matter,
probably contained many of these.
Pseudo-History of the Kiche
The fourth book of the Popol Vuh contains the pseudo-history of the Kiche
kings. It is obviously greatly confused, and it would be difficult to say
how much of it originally belonged to the Popol Vuh and how much had been
added or invented by its latest compiler. One cannot discriminate between
saga and history, or between monarchs and gods, the real and the fabulous.
Interminable conflicts are the theme of most of the book, and many
migrations are recounted.
Queen Móo
Whilst dealing with Maya pseudo-history it will be well to glance for a
moment at the theories of the late Augustus Le Plongeon, who lived and
carried on excavations in Yucatan for many years. Dr. Le Plongeon was
obsessed with the idea that the ancient Maya spread their civilisation all
over the habitable globe, and that they were the originators of the
Egyptian, Palestinian, and Hindu civilisations, besides many others. He
furthermore believed himself to be the true elucidator of the Maya system of
hieroglyphs, which in his estimation were practically identical with the
Egyptian. We will not attempt to refute his theories, as they are based on
ignorance of the laws which govern philology, anthropology, and mythology.
But he possessed a thorough knowledge of the Maya tongue, and his
acquaintance with Maya customs was extensive and peculiar. One of his ideas
was that a certain hall among the ruins of Chichen-Itza had been built b a
Queen Móo, a Maya princess who after the tragic fate of her brother-husband
and the catastrophe which ended in the sinking of the continent of Atlantis
fled to Egypt, where she founded the ancient Egyptian civilisation. It would
be easy to refute this theory. But the tale as told by Dr. Le Plongeon
possesses a sufficiency of romantic interest to warrant its being rescued
from the little-known volume in which he published it. [Queen Móo and the
Egyptian Sphinx (London, 1896).]
We do not learn from Dr. Le Plongeon's book by what course of reasoning he
came to discover that the name of his heroine was the rather uneuphonious
one of Móo. Probably he arrived at it by the same process as that by which
he discovered that certain Mayan architectural ornaments were in reality
Egyptian letters. But it will be better to let him tell his story in his own
words. It is as follows
The Funeral Chamber
"As we are about to enter the funeral chamber hallowed by the love of the
sister-wife, Queen Móo, the beauty of the carvings on the zapote beam that
forms the lintel of the doorway calls our attention. Here is represented the
antagonism of the brothers Aac and Coh, that led to the murder ot the latter
by the former. Carved on the lintel are the names of these personages,
represented by their totems-a leopard head for Coh, and a boar head as well
as a turtle for Aac, this word meaning both boar and turtle in Maya. Aac is
pictured within the disk of the sun, his protective deity which he
worshipped, according to mural inscriptions at Uxmal. Full of anger he faces
his brother. In his right hand there is a badge ornamented with feathers and
flowers. The threatening way in which this is held suggests a concealed
weapon. . . . The face of Coh also expresses anger. With him is the
feathered serpent, emblematic of royalty, thence of the country, more often
represented as a winged serpent protecting Coh. In his left hand he holds
his weapon down, whilst his right hand clasps his badge of authority, with
which he covers his breasts as for protection, and demanding the respect due
to his rank. . . .
"Passing between the figures of armed chieftains sculptured on the iambs of
the doorway, and seeming like sentinels guarding the entrance of the funeral
chamber, we notice one wearing a headdress similar to the crown of Lower
Egypt, which formed part of the pshent of the Egyptian monarchs.
The Frescoes
"The frescoes in the funeral chamber of Prince Coh's Memorial Hall, painted
in water-colours taken from the vegetable kingdom, are divided into a series
of tableaux separated by blue lines. The plinths, the angles of the room,
and the edges of the ceiling, being likewise painted blue, indicate that
this was intended for a funeral chamber. . . . The first scene represents
Queen Móo while yet a child. She is seated on the back of a peccary, or
American wild boar, under the royal umbrella of feathers, emblem of royalty
in Mayach, as it was in India, Chaldea, and other places. She is consulting
a h-men, or wise man; listening with profound attention to the decrees of
fate as revealed by the cracking of the shell of an armadillo exposed to a
slow fire on a brazier, the condensing on it of the vapour, and the various
tints it assumes. This mode of divination is one of the customs of the
Mayas. . . .
The Soothsayers
"In front of the young Queen Móo, and facing her, is seated the soothsayer,
evidently a priest of high rank, judging from the colours, blue and yellow,
of the feathers of his ceremonial mantle. He reads the decrees of fate on
the snell of the armadillo, and the scroll issuing from his throat says what
they are. By him stands the winged serpent, emblem and protective genius of
the Maya Empire. His head is turned towards the royal banner, which he seems
to caress. His satisfaction is reflected in the mild and pleased expression
of his face. Behind the priest, the position of whose hand is the same as
that of Catholic priests in blessing their congregation, and the
significance of which is well known to occultists, are the ladies-inwaiting
of the young Queen.
The Royal Bride
"In another tableau we again see Queen Móo, no longer a child, but a comely
young woman. She is not seated under the royal umbrella or banner, but she
is once more in the presence of the h-men, whose face is concealed by a mask
representing an owl's head. She, pretty and coquettish, has many admirers,
who vie with each other for the honour of her hand. In company with one of
her wooers she comes to consult the priest, accompanied by an old lady, her
grandmother probably, and her female attendants. According to custom the old
lady is the spokeswoman. She states to the priest that the young man, he who
sits on a low stool between two female attendants desires to marry the
Queen. The priest's attendant, seated also on a stool, back of all, acts as
crier, and repeats in a loud voice the speech of the old lady.
Móo's Refusal
"The young Queen refuses the offer. The refusal is indicated by the
direction of the scroll issuing from her mouth. It is turned backward,
instead of forward towards the priest, as would be the case if she assented
to the marriage. The h-men explains that Moo, being a daughter of the royal
family, by law and custom must marry one of her brothers. The youth listens
to the decision with due respect to the priest, as shown by his arm being
placed across his breast, the left hand resting on the right shoulder. He
does not accept the refusal in a meek spirit, however. His clenched fist,
his foot raised as in the act of stamping, betoken anger and disappointment,
while the attendant behind him expostulates, counselling patience and
resignation, judging by the position and expression of her lefthand palm
upward.
The Rejected Suitor
"In another tableau we see the same individual whose offer of marriage was
rejected by the young Queen in consultation with a nubchi, or prophet, a
priest whose exalted rank is indicated by his headdress, and the triple
breastplate he wears over his mantle of feathers. The consulter, evidently a
person of importance, has come attended by his hachetail, or confidential
friend, who sits behind him on a cushion. The expression on the face of the
said consulter shows that he does not accept patiently the decrees of fate,
although conveyed by the interpreter in as conciliatory a manner as
possible. The adverse decision of the gods is manifested by the sharp
projecting centre part of the scroll, but it is wrapped in words as
persuasive and consoling, preceded by as smooth a preamble as the rich and
beautiful Maya language pernrits and makes easy. His fricrid is addressing
the prophet's assistant. Reflecting the thoughts of his lord, he declares
that the nubehi's fine discourse and his pretended reading of the will of
the gods are all nonsense, and exclaims 'Pshaw!' which contemptuous
exclamation is pictured by the yellow scroll, pointed at both ends, escaping
from his nose like a sneeze. The answer of the priest's assistant, evidenced
by the gravity of his features, the assertive position of his hand, and the
bluntness of his speech, is evidently 'It is so!'
Aac's Fierce Wooing
"Her brother Aac is madly in love with Móo. He is portrayed approaching the
interpreter of the will of the gods, divested of his garments in token of
humility in presence of their majesty and of submission to their decrees. He
comes full of arrogance, arrayed in gorgeous attire, and with regal pomp. He
comes not as a suppliant to ask and accept counsel, but haughty, he makes
bold to dictate. He is angered at the refusal of the priest to accede to his
demand for his sister Móo's hand, to whose totem, an armadillo on this
occasion, he points imperiously. It was on an armadillo's shell that the
fates wrote her destiny when consulted by the performance of the Pou
ceremony. The yellow flames of wrath darting from all over his person, the
sharp yellow scroll issuing from his mouth, symbolise Aac's feelings. The
pontiff, however, is unmoved by them. In the name of the gods with serene
mien he denies the request of the proud noble man, as his speech indicates.
The winged serpent, genius of the country, that stands erect and ireful by
Aac, is also wroth at his pretensions, and shows in its features and by
sending its dart through Aac's royal banner a decided opposition to them,
expressed by the ends of his speech being turned backwards, some of them
terminating abruptly, others in sharp points.
Prince Cob
"Prince Coh sits behind the priest as one of his attendants. He witnesses
the scene, hears the calm negative answer, sees the anger of his brother and
rival, smiles at his impotence, is happy at his discomfiture. Behind him,
however, sits a spy who will repeat his words, report his actions to his
enemy. He listens, he watches. The high-priest himself, Cay, their elder
brother, sees the storm that is brewing behind the dissensions of Coh and
Aac. He trembles at the thought of the misfortunes that will surely befall
the dynasty of the Cans, of the ruin and misery of the country that will
certainly follow. Divested of his priestly raiment, he comes nude and humble
as it is proper for men in the presence of the gods, to ask their advice how
best to avoid the impending calamities. The chief of the auspices is in the
act of reading their decrees on the palpitating entrails of a fish. The sad
expression on his face, that of humble resignation on that of the pontiff of
deferential astonishment on that of the assistant, speak of the inevitable
misfortunes which are to come in the near future.
"We pass over interesting battle scenes . . . in which the defenders have
been defeated by the Mayas. Coh will return to his queen loaded with spoils
that he will lay at her feet with his glory, which is also hers.
The Murder of Cob
"We next see him in a terrible altercation with his brother Aac. The figures
in that scene are nearly life size, but so much disfigured and broken as to
make it impossible to obtain good tracings. Coh is portrayed without
weapons, his fists clenched, looking menacingly at his foe, who holds three
spears, typical of the three wounds he inflicted in his brother's back when
he killed him treacherously. Coh is now laid out, being prepared for
cremation. His body has been opened at the ribs to extract the viscera and
heart, which, after being charred, are to be preserved in a stone urn with
cinnabar, where the writer found them in 18 7 S. His sister-wife, Queen Móo,
in sad contemplation of the remain-, of the beloved, . . . kneels at his
feet. . . . The winged serpent, protective genius of the country, is
pictured without a head. The ruler of the country has been slain. He is
dead. The people are without a chief."
The Widowhood of Móo
The widowhood of Móo is then said to be portrayed in subsequent pictures.
Other suitors, among them Aac, make their proposals to her, but she refuses
them all. "Aac's pride being humiliated, his love turned to hatred. His only
wish henceforth was to usurp the supreme power, to wage war against the
friend of his childhood. He made religious disagreement the pretext. He
proclaimed that the worship of the sun was to be superior to that of the
winged serpent, the genius of the country; also to that of the worship of
ancestors, typified by the feathered serpent, with horns and a flame or halo
on the head. . . . Prompted by such evil passions, he put himself at the
head of his own vassals, and attacked those who had remained faithful to
Queen Móo and to Prince Coh's memory. At first Moo's adherents successfully
opposed her foes. The contending parties, forgetting in the strife that they
were children of the same soil, blinded by their prejudices, let their
passions have the better of their reason. At last Queen Móo fell a prisoner
in the hands of her enemy.
The Manuscript Troano
Dr. Le Plongeon here assumes that the story is taken up by the Manuscript
Troano. As no one is able to decipher this manuscript completely, he is
pretty safe in nis assertion. Here is what the pintura alluded to says
regarding Queen Móo, according to our author:
"The people of Mayach having been whipped into submission and cowed., no
longer opposing much resistance, the lord seized her by the hair, and, in
common with others, caused her to suffer from blows. This happened on the
ninth day of the tenth month of the year Kan. Being completely routed, she
passed to the opposite sea-coast in the southern parts of the country, which
had already suffered much injury."
Here we shall leave the Queen, and those who have been sufficiently
credulous to create and believe in her and her companions. We do not aver
that the illustrations on the walls of the temple at Chichen do not allude
to some such incident, or series of incidents, as Dr. Le Plongeon describes,
but to bestow names upon the dramatis persone in the face of almost complete
inability to read the Maya script and a total dearth of accompanying
historical manuscripts is merely futile, and we must regard Dr. Le
Plongeon's narrative as a quite fanciful rendering of probability. At the
same time, the light which he throws-if some obviously unscientific remarks
be deducted-on the customs of the Maya renders his account of considerable
interest, and that must be our excuse for presenting it here at some length.
CHAPTER VI: THE CIVILISATION OF OLD PERU
Old Peru
IF the civilisation of ancient Peru did not achieve the standard of general
culture reached by the Mexicans and Maya, it did not fall far short of the
attainment of these peoples. But the degrading despotism under which the
peasantry groaned in Inca times, and the brutal and sanguinary tyranny of
the Apu-Ccapac Incas, make the rulers of Mexico at their worst appear as
enlightened when compared with the Peruvian governing classes. The Quichua-
Aymara race which inhabited Peru was inferior to the Mexican in general
mental culture, if not in mental capacity, is is proved by its inability to
invent any method of written communication or any adequate time-reckoning.
In imitative art, too, the Peruvians were weak, save in pottery and rude
modelling, and their religion savoured much more of the materialistic, and
was altogether of a lower cultus.
The Country
The country in which the interesting civilisation of the Inca race was
evolved presents physical features which profoundly affected the history of
the race. In fact, it is probable that in no country in the world has the
configuration of the land so modified the events in the life of the people
dwelling within its borders. The chain of the Andes divides into two
branches near the boundary between Bolivia and Chile, and, with the
Cordillera de la Costa, encloses at a height of over 3000 feet the
Desaguadero, a vast tableland with an area equal to France. To the north of
this is Cuzco, the ancient capital of the Incas, to the south Potosi, the
most elevated town in the world, whilst between them lies Lake Titicaca, the
largest body of fresh water in South America. The whole country is dreary
and desolate in the extreme. Cereals cannot ripen, and animals arc rare. Yet
it was in these desolate regions that the powerful and highly organised
empire of Peru arose-an empire extending over an area 3000 miles long by 400
broad.
The Andeans
The prehistoric natives of the Andean region had evolved a civilisation long
before the days of the Inca dynasties, and the cyclopean ruins of their
edifices are to be found at intervals scattered over a wide field on the
slopes of the range under the shadow of which they dwelt. Their most
extraordinary achievement was probably the city of Tiahuanaco, on the
southern shore of Lake Titicaca, built at a level 13,000 feet above the sea,
occupying nearly half an acre in extent, and constructed of enormous
megalithic blocks of trachytic rock. The great doorway, carved out of a
single block of rock, is 7 feet in height by 131 feet wide, and 1˝ feet
thick. The upper portion of this massive portal is carved with symbolic
figures. In the centre is a figure in high relief, the head surrounded by
solar rays, and in each hand a sceptre, the end of which terminates in the
head of a condor. This figure is flanked on either side by three tiers of
kneeling suppliants, each of whom is winged and bears a sceptre similar in
design to the central ones. Elsewhere are mighty blocks of stone, some 36
feet long, remains of enormous walls, standing monoliths, and in earlier
times colossal statues were seen on the site. When the Spanish conquerors
arrived no tradition remained regarding the founders of these structures,
and their origin still remains a mystery; but that they represent the
remains of the capital of some mighty prehistoric kingdom is practically
admitted.
A Strange Site
The greatest mystery of all regarding the ruins at Tiahuanaco is the
selection of the site. For what reason did the prehistoric rulers of Peru
build here? The surroundings are totally unsuitable for the raising of such
edifices, and the tableland upon which they are placed is at once desolate
and difficult of access. The snow-line is contiguous, and breathing at such
a height is no easy matter. There is no reason to suppose that climatic
conditions in the day of these colossal builders were different from those
which obtain at the present time. In face of these facts the position of
Tiahuanaco remains an insoluble riddle.
Sacsahuaman and Ollantay
Other remains of these prehistoric people are found in various parts of
Peru. At Sacsahuaman, perched on a hill above the city of Cuzco, is an
immense fortified work six hundred yards long, built in three lines of wall
consisting of enormous stones, some of which are twen tyseven feet in
length. Pissac is also the site of wonderful ruined masonry and an ancient
observatory. At Ollantay-tampu, forty-five miles to the north of Cuzco, is
another of these gigantic fortresses, built to defend the valley of the
Yucay. This stronghold is constructed for the most part of red porphyry, and
its walls average twenty-five feet in height. The great cliff on which
Ollantay is perched is covered from end to end with stupendous walls which
zigzag from point to point of it like the salient angles of some modern
fortalice. At intervals are placed round towers of stone provided with
loopholes, from which doubtless arrows were discharged at the enemy. This
outwork embraces a series of terraces, world-famous because of their
gigantic outline and the problem of the use to which they were put. It is
now practically agreed that these terraces were employed for the production
of maize, in order that during a prolonged investment the beleaguered troops
and country-folk might not want for a sufficiency of provender. The stone of
which this fortress was built was quarried at a distance of seven miles, in
a spot upwards of three thousand feet above the valley, and was dragged up
the steep declivity of Ollantay by sheer human strength. The nicety with
which the stones were fitted is marvellous.
The Dramatic Legend of Ollantay
Among the dramatic works with which the ancient Incas were credited is that
of Apu-Ollanta, which may recount the veritable story of a chieftain after
whom the great stronghold was named. It was probably divided into scenes and
supplied with stage directions at a later period, but the dialogue and son-
as are truly aboriginal. The period is that of the reign of the Inca
Yupanqui Pachacutic., one of the most celebrated of the Peruvian monarchs.
The central figure of the drama is a chieftain named Ollanta, who conceived
a violent passion for a daughter of the Inca named Curi-Coyllur (Joyful
Star). This passion was deemed unlawful, as no mere subject who was not of
the blood-royal might aspire to the hand of a daughter of the Inca. As the
play opens we overhear a dialogue between Ollanta and his man-servant Piqui-
Chaqui (Flea-footed), who supplies what modern stage-managers would
designate the "comic relief" They are talking of Ollanta's love for the
princess, when they are confronted by the high-priest of the Sun, who tries
to dissuade the rash chieftain from the dangerous course he is taking by
means of a miracle. In the next scene Curi-Coyllur is seen in company with
her mother, sorrowing over the absence of her lover. A harvest song is here
followed by a love ditty of undoubtedly ancient origin. The third scene
represents Ollanta's interview with the Inca in which he pleads his suit and
is slighted by the scornful monarch. Ollanta defies the king in a resounding
speech, with which the first act concludes. In the first scene of the second
act we are informed that the disappointed chieftain has raised the standard
of rebellion, and the second scene is taken up with the military
preparations consequent upon the announcement of a general rising. In the
third scene Rumihaui as general of the royal forces admits defeat by the
rebels.
The Love Story of Curi-Coyllur
Curi-Coyllur gives birth to a daughter, and is imprisoned in the darksome
Convent of Virgins. Her child, Yma Sumac (How Beautiful), is brought up in
the same building, but is ignorant of the near presence of her mother. The
little girl tells her guardian of groans and lamentations which she has
heard in the convent garden, and of the tumultuous emotions with which these
sad sounds fill her heart. The Inca Pachacutic's death is announced., and
the accession of his son, Yupanqui. Rebellion breaks out once more, and the
suppression of the malcontents is again entrusted to Rumi-fiaui. That
leader, having tasted defeat already, resorts to cunning. He conceals his
men in a valley close by, and presents himself covered with blood before
Ollanta, who is at the head of the rebels. He states that he has been
barbarously used by the royal troops, and that he desires to join the
rebels. He takes part with Ollanta and his men in a drunken frolic, in which
he incites them to drink heavily, and when they arc overcome with liquor he
brings up his troops and makes them prisoners.
Mother and Child
Yma Sumac, the beautiful little daughter of CuriCoyllur, requests her
guardian, Pitu Salla, so pitifully to be allowed to visit her mother in her
dungeon that the woman consents, and mother and child are united. Ollanta is
brought as a prisoner before the new Inca, who pardons him. At that juncture
Yma Sumac enters hurriedly, and begs the monarch to free her mother, Curi-
Coyllur. The Inca proceeds to the prison, restores the princess to her
lover, and the drama concludes with the Inca bestowing his blessing upon the
pair.
The play was first put into written form in the seventeenth century, has
often been printed, and is now recognised as a genuine aboriginal
production.
The Races of Peru
Many races went to make up the Peruvian people as they existed when first
discovered by the conquering Spaniards. From the south came a civilising
race which probably found a number of allied tribes, each existing
separately in its own little valley, speaking a different dialect, or even
language, from its neighbours, and in many instances employing different
customs. Although tradition alleged that these invaders came from the north
by sea within historical times, the more probable theory of their origin is
one which states that they had followed the course of the affluents of the
Amazon to the valleys where they dwelt when the more enlightened folk from
the south came upon them. The remains of this aboriginal people-for, though
they spoke diverse languages, the probability is that they were of one or
not more than two stocks-are still found scattered over the coastal valleys
in pyramidal mounds and adobe-built dwellings.
The Coming of the Incas
The arrival of the dominant race rudely broke in upon the peaceful existence
of the aboriginal folk. This race, the Quichua-Aymara, probably had its
place of origin in the Altaplanicie highlands of Bolivia, the eastern
cordillera of the Andes. This they designated Tucuman (World's End), just as
the Kiche of Guatemala were wont to describe the land of their origin as Ki
Pixab (Corner of the Earth). The present republic of Argentina was at a
remote period covered by a vast, partially land-locked sea, and beside the
shores of this the ancestors of the Quichua-Aymara race may have settled as
fishers and fowlers. They found a more permanent settlement on the shores of
Lake Titicaca, where their traditions state that they made considerable
advances in the arts of civilisation. It was, indeed, from Titicaca that the
sun emerged from the sacred rock where he had erstwhile hidden himself.
Here, too, the llama and paco were domesticated and agricultural life
initiated, or perfected. The arts of irrigation and terrace-building-so
marked as features of Peruvian civilisation-were also invented in this
region, and the basis of a composite advancement laid.
The Quichua-Aymara
This people consisted of two groups, the Quichua and Aymara, so called from
the two kindred tongues spoken by each respectively. These possess a common
grammatical structure, and a great number of words are common to both. They
are in reality varying forms of one speech. From the valley of Titicaca the
Aymara spread from the source of the Amazon river to the higher parts of the
Andes range, so that in course of time they exhibited those qualities which
stamp the mountaineer in every age and clime. The Quichua, on the other
hand, occupied the warm valleys beyond the river Apurimac, to the north-west
of the Aymara-speaking people-a tract equal to the central portion of the
modern republic of Peru. The name "Quichua " implies a warm valley or
sphere, in contradistinction to the "Yunca," or tropical districts of the
coast and low lands.
The Four Peoples
The metropolitan folk or Cuzco considered Peru to be divided into four
sections-that of the Colla-suyu, with the valley of Titicaca as its centre,
and stretching from the Bolivian highlands to Cuzco; the Conti-suyu, between
the Colla-suyu and the ocean; the Quichua Chinchay-suyu, of the north-west;
and the Anti-suyu, of the montańa region. The Inca people, coming suddenly
into these lands, annexed them with surprising rapidity, and, making the
aboriginal tribes dependent upon their rule, spread themselves over the face
of the country. Thus the ancient chroniclers. But it is obvious that such
rapid conquest was a practical impossibility, and it is now understood that
the Inca power was consolidated only some hundred years before the coming of
Pizarro.
The Coming of Manco Ccapac
Peruvian myth has its Quetzalcoatl in Manco Ccapac, a veritable son of the
sun. The Life-aiver. observing the deplorable condition of mankind, who
seemed to exist for war and feasting alone, despatched his son, Manco
Ccapac, and his sister-wife, Mama Oullo Huaca, to earth for the purpose of
instructing the degraded peoples in the arts of civilised life. The heavenly
pair came to earth in the neighbourhood of Lake Titicaca, and were provided
with a golden wedge which they were assured would sink into the earth at the
precise spot on which they should commence their missionary labours. This
phenomenon occurred at Cuzco, where the wedge disappeared. The derivation of
the name Cuzco, which means "Navel" or, in more modern terms, "Hub of the
Universe," proves that it was regarded as a great culture-centre. On this
spot the civilising a ents pitched their camp, gathering the uncultured folk
ofthe country around them. Whilst Manco taught the men the arts of
agriculture, Mama Oullo instructed the women in those of weaving and
spinning. Great numbers gathered in the vicinity of Cuzco, and the
foundations of a city were laid. Under the mild rule of the heavenly pair
the land of Peru abounded in every desirable thing, like the Eden of
Genesis. The legend of Manco Ccapac as we have it from an old Spanish source
is worth giving. It is as follows: "There [in Tiahuanaco] the creator began
to raise up the people and nations that are in that region, making one of
each nation in clay, and painting the dresses that each one was to wear;
those that were to wear their hair, with hair, and those that were to be
shorn, with hair cut. And to each nation was given the language that was to
be spoken, and the songs to be sung, and the seeds and food that they were
to sow. When the creator had finished painting and making the said nations
and figures of clay, he gave life and soul to each one, as well man as
woman, and ordered that they should pass under the earth. Thence each nation
came up in the places to which he ordered them to go. Thus they say that
some came out of caves, others issued from hills, others from fountains,
others from the trunks of trees. From this cause and others, and owing to
having come forth and multiplied from those places, and to having had the
beginning of their lineage in them, they made huacas [sacred things] and
places of worship of them, in memory of the origin of their lineage. Thus
each nation uses the dress with which they invest their huana; and they say
that the first that was born in that place was there turned into stone.
Others say that they were turned into falcons, condors, and other animals
and birds. Hence the huacas they use are in different shapes."
The Peruvian Creation-Story
The Incan Peruvians believed that all things emanated from Pachacamac, the
all-pervading spirit, who provided the plants and animals (which they
believed to be pro. duced from the earth) with "souls." The earth itself
they designated Pachacamama (Earth-Mother). Here we observe that Pachacamac
was more the maker and moulder than the originator of matter, a view common
to many American mythologies. Pachacamac it was who breathed the breath of
life into man, but the Peruvian conception of him was only evolved in later
Inca times, and by no means existed in the early days of Inca rule, although
he was probably worshipped before this under another and less exalted shape.
The mere exercise of will or thought was sufficient, according to the
Peruvians, to accomplish the creative act. In the prayers to the creator,
and in other portions of Inca rite, we read such expressions as "Let a man
be," "Let a woman be," and "The creative word," which go to prove that the
Peruvian consciousness had fully grasped the idea of a creator capable of
evolving matter out of nothingness. Occasionally we find the sun acting as a
kind of demiurge or sub-creator. He it is who in later legend founds the
city of Cuzco, and sends thither three eggs composed of gold, silver, and
copper, from which spring the three classes of Peruvians, kings, priests,
and slaves. The inevitable deluge occurs, after which we find the
prehistoric town of Tiahuanaco regarded as the theatre of a new creation of
man. Here the creator made man, and separated him into nations, making one
of each nation out of the clay of the earth, painting the dresses that each
was to wear, and endowing them with national songs, languages, seeds to sow
suitable to the environment of each, and food such as they would require.
Then he gave the peoples life and soul, and commanded them to enter the
bowels of the earth, whence they came upward in the places where be ordered
them to go. Perhaps this is one of the most complete ("wholesale" would be a
better word) creation myths in existence, and we can glean from its very
completeness that it is by no means of simple origin, but of great
complexity. It is obviously an attempt to harmonise several conflicting
creation-stories, notably those in which the people are spoken of as
emanating from caves, and the later one of the creation of men at
Tiahuanaco, probably suggested to the Incas by the immense ruins at that
place, for which they could not otherwise account.
Local Creation-Myths
In some of the more isolated valleys of Peru we discover local creation-
myths. For example, in the coastal valley of Irma Pachacamac was not
considered to be the creator of the sun, but to be himself a descendant of
it. The first human beings created by him were speedily separated, as the
man died of hunger, but the woman supported herself by living on roots. The
sun took compassion upon her and gave her a son whom Pachacamac slew and
buried. But from his teeth there grew maize, from his ribs the long white
roots of the manioc plant, and from his flesh various esculent plants.
The Character of Inca Civilisation
Apart from the treatment which they meted out to the subject races under
their sway, the rule of the Inca monarchs was enlightened and contained the
elements of high civilisation. It is scarcely clear whether the Inca race
arrived in the country at such a date as would have permitted them to profit
by adopting the arts and sciences of the Andean people who preceded them.
But it may be affirmed that their arrival considerably post-dated the fall
of the megalithic empire of the Andeans, so that in reality their
civilisation was of their own manufacture. As architects they were by no
means the inferiors of the prehistoric race, if the examples of their art
did not bulk so massively, and the engineering skill with which they pushed
long, straight tunnels through vast mountains and bridged seemingly
impassable gorges still excites the wonder of modern expcrts. They also made
long, straight roads after the most improved macadamised model. Their
temples and palaces were adorned with gold and silver images and ornaments;
sumptuous baths supplied witb hot and cold water by means of pipes laid in
the earth were to be found in the mansions of the nobility, and much luxury
and real comfort prevailed.
An Absolute Theocracy
The empire of Peru was the most absolute theocracy the world has ever seen.
The Inca was the direct representative of the sun upon earth, the head of a
socio-religious edifice intricate and highly organised. This colossal
bureaucracy had ramifications into the very homes of the people. The Inca
was represented in the provinces by governors of the blood-royal. Officials
were placea above ten thousand families, a thousand families, and even ten
families, upon the principle that the rays of the sun enter everywhere, and
that therefore the light of the Inca must penetrate to every corner of the
empire. There was no such thing as personal freedom. Every man, woman, and
child was numbered, branded, and under surveillance as much as were the
llamas in the royal herds. Individual effort or enterprise was unheard of.
Some writers have stated that a system of state socialism obtained in Peru.
If so, then state surveillance in Central Russia might also be branded as
socialism. A man's life was planned for him by the authorities from the age
of five years, and even the woman whom he was to marry was selected for him
by the Government officials. The age at which the people should marry was
fixed at not earlier than twenty-four years for a man and eighteen for a
woman. Coloured ribbons worn round the head indicated the place of a
person's birth or the province to which he belonged.
A Golden Temple
One of the most remarkable monuments of the Peruvian civilisation was the
Coricancha (Town of Gold) at Cuzco, the principal fane of the sun-god. Its
inner and outer walls were covered with plates of pure gold. Situated upon
an eminence eighty feet high, the temple looked down upon gardens filled,
according to the conquering Spaniards, with treasures of gold and silver.
The animals., insects, the very trees, say the chroniclers, were of the
precious metals, as were the spades, hoes, and other implements employed for
keeping the ground in cultivation. Through the pleasances rippled the river
Huatenay. Such was the glittering Intipampa (Field of the Sun). That the
story is true, at least in part, is proved by the traveller Squier, who
speaks of having seen in several houses in Cuzco sheets of gold preserved as
relics which came from the Temple of the Sun. These, he says, were scarcely
as thick as paper, and were stripped off the walls of the Coricancha by the
exultant Spanish soldiery.
The Great Altar
But this house of gold had but a roof of thatch! The Peruvians were ignorant
of the principle of the arch, or else considered the feature unsuitable, for
some reason best known to their architects. The doorways were formed of huge
monoliths, and the entire aspect of the building was cyclopean. The interior
displayed an ornate richness which impressed even the Spaniards, who had
seen the wealth of many lands and Oriental kingdoms, and the gold-lust must
have swelled within their hearts at sight of the great altar, behind which
was a huge plate of the shining metal engraved with the features of the sun-
god. The surface of this plate was enriched by a thousand gems, the
scintillation of which was, according to eye-witnesses, almost
insupportable. Around this dazzling sphere were seated the mummified corpses
of the Inca kings, each on his throne, with sceptre in hand.
Planetary Temples
Surrounding the Coricancha several lesser temples clustered, all of them
dedicated to one or other of the planetary bodies-to the moon, to Cuycha,
the rainbow, to Chasca, the planet Venus. In the temple of the moon, the
mythic mother of the Inca dynasty, a great plate of silver, like the golden
one which represented the face of the sun-god, depicted the features of the
moon-goddess, and around this the mummies of the Inca queens sat in a
semicircle, like their spouses in the greater neighbouring fane. In the
rainbow temple of Cuycha the seven-hued arch of heaven was depicted by a
great arc of gold skilfully tempered or painted in suitable colours. All the
utensils in these temples were of gold or silver. In the principal building
twelve large jars of silver held the sacred grain, and even the pipes which
conducted the water-supply through the earth to the sanctuary were of
silver. Pedro Pizarro himself, besides other credible eye-witnesses, vouched
for these facts. The colossal representation of the sun became the property
of a certain Mancio Serra de Leguicano, a reckless cavalier and noted
gambler, who lost it on a single throw of the dice! Such was the spirit of
the adventurers who conquered this golden realm for the crown of Spain. The
walls of the Coricancha arc still standing, and this marvellous shrine of
the chief luminary of heaven, the great god of the Peruvians, is now a
Christian church.
The Mummies of Peru
The fact that the ancient Peruvians had a method of mummification has
tempted many "antiquarians " to infer therefrom that they had some
connection with ancient Egypt. These theories are so numerous as to give the
unsophisticated reader the idea that a regular system of immigration was
carried on between Egypt and America. As a matter of fact the method of
mummification in vogue in Peru was entirely different from that employed by
the ancient Egyptians.
Peruvian mummies arc met with at apparently all stages of the history of the
native races. Megalithic tombs and monuments contain them in the doubled-up
posture so common among early peoples all over the world. These megalithic
tombs, or chulpas, as they are termed, are composed of a mass of rough
stones and clay, faced with huge blocks of trachyte or basalt, so put
together as to form a cist, in which the mummy was placed. The door
invariably faces the east, so that it may catch the gleams of the rising
sun-a proof of the prevalence of sun-worship. Squier alludes to one more
than 24 feet high. An opening 18 inches square gave access to the sepulchral
chamber, which was 11 feet square by 13 feet high. But the tomb had been
entered before, and after getting in with much difficulty the explorer was
forced to retreat empty-handed.
Many of these chulpas are circular, and painted in gay primary colours.
They. are very numerous in Bolivia, an old Peruvian province, and in the
basin of Lake Titicaca they abound. The dead were wrapped in llama-skins, on
which the outlines of the eyes and mouth were carefully marked. The corpse
was then arrayed in other garments, and the door of the tomb walled up. In
some parts of Peru the dead were mummified and placed in the dwelling-houses
beside the living. In the rarefied air of the plateaus the bodies rapidly
became innocuous, and the custom was not the insanitary one we might imagine
it to be.
On the Pacific coast the method of mummification was somewhat different. The
body was reduced to a complete state of desiccation, and was deposited in a
tomb constructed of stone or adobe. Vases intended to hold maize or chicha
liquor were placed beside the corpse, and copper hatchets, mirrors of
polished stone, earrings, and bracelets have been discovered in these
burial-places. Some of the remains are wrapped in rich cloth, and vases of
gold and silver were placed beside them. Golden plaques are often discovered
in the mouths, probably symbolic of the sun. The bodies exhibit no traces of
embalming, and are usually in a sitting posture. Some of them have evidently
been dried before inhumation, whilst others are covered with a resinous
substance. They are generally accompanied by the various articles used
during life; the men have their weapons and ornaments, women their household
implements, and children their toys. The dryness of the climate, as in
Egypt, keeps these relics in a wonderful state of preservation. In the grave
of a woman were found not only vases of every shape, but also some cloth she
had commenced to weave, which her death had perhaps prevented her from
completing. Herlight brown hair was carefully combed and plaited, and the
legs from the ankle to the knee were painted red, after the fashion in vogue
among Peruvian beauties, while little bladders of toilet-powder and gums
were thoughtfully placed beside her for her use in the life to come.
Laws and Customs
The legal code of the Incas was severe in the extreme. Murderers and
adulterers were punished by death, and the unpardonable sin appears to have
been blasphemy against the sun, or his earthly representative, the Inca. The
Virgin of the Sun (or nun) who broke her vow was buried alive, and the
village from whence she came was razed to the ground. Flogging was
administered for minor offences. A peculiar and very trying punishment must
have been that of carrying a heavy stone for a certain time.
On marriage a home was aportioned to each couple, and land assigned to them
sufficient for their support. When a child was born a separate allowance was
given it-one fanega for a boy, and half that amount for a girl, the fanega
being equal to the area which could be sown with a hundred pounds of maize.
There is something repulsive in the Inca code, with its grandmotherly
legislation; and if this tyranny was beneficent, it was devised merely to
serve its own ends and hound on the unhappy people under its control like
dumb, driven cattle. The outlook of the average native was limited in the
extreme. The Inca class of priests and warriors retained every vestige of
authority; and that they employed their power unmercifully to grind down the
millions beneath them was a sufficient excuse for the Spanish Conquistadores
in dispossessing them of the empire they had so harshly administered.
The public ground was divided afresh every year according to the number of
the members of each family, and agrarian laws were strictly fixed. Private
property did not exist among the people of the lower classes, who merely
farmed the lot which each year was placed at their disposal. Besides this,
the people had perforce to cultivate the lands sacred to the Inca, and only
the aged and the sick could evade this duty.
The Peruvian Calendar
The standard chronology known to the Peru of the Incas was a simple lunar
reckoning. But the four principal points in the sun's course were denoted by
means of the intihuatana, a device consisting of a large rock surmounted by
a small cone, the shadow of which, falling on certain notches on the stone
below, marked the date of the great sun-festivals. The Peruvians, however,
had no definite calendar. At Cuzco, the capital, the solstices were gauged
by pillars called pachacta unanchac, or indicators-of time, which were
placed in four groups (two pillars to a group) on promontories, two in the
direction of sunrise and two in that of sunset, to mark the extreme points
of the sun's rising and setting. By this means they were enabled to
distinguish the arrival and departure of the solstices, during which the sun
never went beyond the middle pair of pillars. The Inca astronomer's
approximation to the year was 360 days, which were divided into twelve moons
of thirty days each. These moons were not calendar months in the correct
sense, but simply a succession of lunations, which commenced with the winter
solstice. This method, which must ultimately have proved confusing, does not
seem to have been altered to co-ordinate with the reckoning of the
succession of years. The names of the twelve moons, which had some reference
to the daily life of the Peruvian, were as follows:
Huchuy Pucuy Quilla (Small Growing Moon), approximately January.
Hatun Pucuy Quilla (Great Growing Moon), approximately February.
Pancar Pucuy Quilla (Flower-growing Moon), approximately March.
Ayrihua Quilla (Twin Ears Moon), approximately April.
Aymuray Quilla (Harvest Moon), approximately May.
Auray Cusqui Quilla (Breaking Soil), approximately June.
Chahua Huarqui Quilia (Irrigation Moon), approximately July.
Tarpuy Quilla (Sowing Moon), approximately August.
Ccoya Raymi Quilla (Moon of the Moon Feast), approximately September.
Uma Raymi Quilla (Moon of the Feast of the Province of Uma), approximately
October.
Ayamarca Raymi Quilla (Moon of the Feast of the Province of Ayamarca),
approximately November.
Ccapac Raymi Quilla (Moon of the Great Feast of the Sun), approximately
December.
The Festivals
That the Peruvian standard of time, as with all American people, was taken
from the natural course of the moon is known chiefly from the fact that the
principal religious festivals began on the new moon following a solstice or
equinox. The ceremonies conncctcd with the greatest festival, the Ccapac
Raymi, were made to date near the lunar phases, the two stages commencing
with the ninth day of the December moon and twenty-first day, or last
quarter. But while these lunar phases indicated certain festivals, it very
often happened that the civil authorities followed a reckoning of their own,
in preference to accepting ecclesiastical rule. Considerable significance
was attached to each month by the Peruvians regarding the nature of their
festivals. The solstices and cquinoxes were the occasions of established
ceremonies. The arrival of the winter solstice, which in Peru occurs in
June, was celebrated by the Intip Raymi (Great Feast of the Sun). The
principal Peruvian feast, which took place at the summer solstice, when the
new year was supposed to begin, was the national feast of the great god
Pachacamac, and was called capac Raymi. Molina, Fernandez, and Garcilasso,
however, date the new year from the winter solstice. The third festival of
the Inca year, the Ccapac Situa, or Ccoya Raymi (Moon Feast), which is
signalled by the beginning of the rainy season, occurred in September. In
general character these festivals appear to have been simple, and even
childlike. The sacrifice of animals taken from sacred herds of llamas was
doubtless a principal feature of the ceremony, accompanied by the offering
up of maguey, or maize spirit, and followed by the performance of symbolic
dances.
The Llama
The llama was the chief domestic animal of Peru. All llamas were the
property of the Inca. Like the camel, its distant relative, this creature
can subsist for long periods upon little nourishment, and it is suitable for
the carriage of moderate loads. Each year a certain amount of llama wool was
given to the Peruvian family, according to the number of women it contained,
and these wove it into garments, whatever was over being stored away in the
public cloth-magazines for the general use. The large flocks of llamas and
alpacas also afforded a supply of meat for the people such as the Mexicans
never possessed. Naturally much attention was given to the breeding of these
animals, and the alpaca was as carefully regarded by the Peruvian as the
sheep by the farmer of to-day. The guanacos and vicuńas, wild animals of the
llama or auchenia family, were also sources of food- and wool-supply.
Architecture of the Incas
The art in which the Incan Peruvians displayed the greatest advance was that
of architecture. The earlier style of Inca building shows that it was
closely modelled, as has already been pointed out, on that of the megalithic
masons of the Tiahuanaco district, but the later style shows stones laid in
regular courses, varying in length. No cement or mortar of any kind was
employed, the structure depending for stability upon the accuracy with which
the stones were fitted to each other. An enormous amount of labour must have
been expended upon this part of the work, for in the monuments of Peruvian
architecture which still exist it is impossible to insert even a needle
between the stones of which they are composed. The palaces and temples were
built around a courtyard, and most of the principal buildings had a hall of
considerable dimensions attached to them, which, like the baronial halls of
the England of the Middle Ages, served for feasting or ceremony. In this
style is built the front of the palace on the Colcampata, overlooking the
city of Cuzco, under the fortress which is supposed to have been the
dwelling of Manco Ccapac, the first Inca. Palaces at Yucay and Chinchero are
also of this type.
Unsurpassed Workmanship
In an illuminating passage upon Inca architecture Sir Clements Markham., the
greatest living authority upon matters Peruvian, says:
"In Cuzco the stone used is a dark trachyte, and the coarse grain secured
greater adhesion between the blocks. The workmanship is unsurpassed, and the
world has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to equal
the skill and accuracy displayed in the Ynca structures of Cuzco. No cement
is used, and the larger stones are in the lowest row, each ascending course
being narrower, which presents a most pleasing effect. The edifices were
built round a court, upon which the rooms opened, and some of the great
halls were 200 paces long by 60 wide, the height being 35 to 40 feet,
besides the spring of the roof. The roofs were thatch; and we are able to
form an idea of their construction from one which is still preserved, after
a lapse of three centuries. This is on a circular building called the
Sondor-huasi, at Azangaro, and it shows that even thatch in the hands of
tasteful builders will make a sightly roof for imposing edifices, and that
the interior ornament of such a roo may be exceedingly beautiful."
The Temple of Viracocha
The temple of Viracocha, at Cacha, in the valley of the Vilcamayu, is built
on a plan different from that of any other sacred building in Peru. Its
ruins consist of a wall of adobe or clay 40 feet high and 330 long, built on
stone foundations 8 feet in height. The roof was supported on twenty-five
columns, and the width of the structure was 87 feet. It was a place of
pilgrimage, and the caravanserais where the Faithful were wont to be housed
still stand around the ruined fane.
Titicaca
The most sacred of the Peruvian shrines, however, was Titicaca, an island on
the lake of that name. The island of Coati, hard by, enjoyed an equal
reverence. Terraced platforms on the ormer, reached by flights of steps,
support two buildings provided for the use of pilgrims about to proceed to
Coati. On Titicaca there are the ruins of an extensive palace which commands
a splendid view of the surrounding barren country. A great bath or tank is
situated half-way down a long range of terraces supported by cut stone
masonry, and the Pool, 40 feet long by 10, and 5 feet deep, has similar
walls on three sides. Below this tank the water is made to irrigate terrace
after terrace until it falls into the lake.
Coati
The island of Coati is about six miles distant. The principal building is on
one of the loftiest of seven terraces, once radiant with flowers and shrubs,
and filled with rich loam transported from a more fertile region. It is
placed on three sides of a square, 183 feet long by 80, and is of stone laid
in clay and coated with plaster. "It has," says Markham, "thirty-five
chambers, only one of which is faced with hewn stones. The ornament on the
faqade consists of elaborate niches, which agreeably break the monotony of
the wall, and above them runs a projecting cornice. The walls were painted
yellow, and the niches red; and there was a high-pitched roof, broken here
and there by gables. The two largest chambers are 20 long by 12, and loftier
than the rest, each with a great niche in the wall facing the entrance.
These were probably the holy places or shrines of the temple. The beautiful
series of terraces falls ofF from the esplanade of the temple to the shores
of the lake."
Mysterious Chimu
The coast folk, of a different race from the Incas, had their centre of
civilisation near the city of Truxillo, on the plain of Chimu. Here the
ruins of a great city litter the plain for many acres. Arising from the mass
of ruin, at intervals stand huacas, or artificial hills. The city was
supplied with water by means of small canals, which also served to irrigate
the gardens. The mounds alluded to were used for sepulture, and the largest,
at Moche, is 800 feet long by 470 feet in breadth, and 200 feet in height.
It is constructed of adobes. Besides serving the purpose of a cemetery, this
mound probably supported a large temple on its summit.
The Palace
A vast palace occupied a commanding position. Its great hall was ioo feet
long by 52 broad, and its walls were covered with a highly ornate series of
arabesques in relief done in stucco, like the fretwork on the walls of
Palenque. Another hall close at hand is ornamented in coloured stucco, and
from it branch off many small rooms, which were evidently dormitories. From
the first hall a long corridor leads to secret storehouses, where many
vessels of gold and silver have been discovered hidden away, as if to secure
them either from rnarauding bands or the gaze of the vulgar. All of these
structures are hollowed out of a vast mound covering several acres, so that
the entire building may be said to be partially subterranean in character.
"About a hundred yards to the westward of this palace there was a sepulchral
mound where many relics were discovered. The bodies were wrapped in cloths,
woven in ornamental figures and patterns of different colours. On some of
the cloths were sewn plates of silver, and they were edged with borders of
feathers, the silver being occasionally cut in the shape of fishes. Among
the ruins of the city there are great rectangular areas enclosed by massive
walls, and containing courts, streets, dwellings, and reservoirs for water.
The largest is about a mile south of the mound-palace, and is 550 yards long
by 400. The outer wall is about 30 feet high, io feet thick at the base,
with sides inclining toward each other. Some of the interior walls are
highly ornamented in stuccoed patterns; and in one part there is an edifice
containing forty-five chambers or cells, in five rows of nine each, which is
supposed to have been a prison. The enclosure also contained a reservoir 450
feet long by 195 broad, and 60 feet deep."
The Civilisation of Chimu
The ruins of Chimu are undoubtedly the outcome of a superior standard of
civilisation. The buildings are elaborate, as are their internal
arrangements. The extent of the city is great, and the art displayed in the
manufacture of the utensils discovered within it and the taste evinced in
the numerous wall-patterns show that a people of advanced culture inhabited
it. The jeweller's work is in high relief, and the pottery and plaques found
exhibit much artistic excellence.
Pachacamac
The famous ruins of the temple and city of Pachacamac, near the valley of
Lurin, to the south of Lima, overlook the Pacific Ocean from a height of 500
feet. Four vast terraces still bear mighty perpendicular walls, at one time
painted red. Here was found the only perfect Peruvian arch, built of large
adobe bricks-a proof that the Peruvian mind did not stand still in matters
architectural at least.
Irrigation Works
It was in works of irrigation, however., that the race exhibited its
greatest engineering genius. In the valley of Nasca the Incas cut deep
trenches to reinforce the irrigating power of a small river, and carried the
system high up into the mountains, in order that the rainfall coming
therefrom might be conducted into the needful channel. Lower down the valley
the main watercourse is deflected into many branches, which irrigate each
estate by feeding the small surface streams. This system adequately serves
the fifteen estates of Nasca to-day! Another high-level canal for the
irrigation of pasture-lands was led for more than a hundred and fifty miles
along the eastern slope of the central cordillera.
A Singular Discovery
In Peru, as in Mexico, it is probable that the cross was employed as a
symbol of the four winds. An account of the expedition of Fuentes to the
valley of Chichas recounts the discovery of a wooden cross as follows:
[Skinner's State of Perm, p. 313 (1805).]
"When the settlers who accompanied Fuentes in his glorious expedition
approached the valley they found a wooden cross, hidden, as if purposely, in
the most intricate part of the mountains. As there is not anything more
flattering to the vanity of a credulous man than to be enabled to bring
forward his testimony in the relation of a prodigy, the devotion of these
good conquerors was kindled to such a degree by the discovery of this sacred
memorial that they instantly hailed it as miraculous and divine. They
accordingly carried it in procession to the town, and placed it in the
church belonging to the convent of San Francisco ) where it is still
worshipped. It appears next to impossible that there should not, at that
time, have been any individual among them sufficiently enlightened to combat
such a persuasion, since, in reality, there was nothing miraculous in the
finding of this cross, there having been other Christian settlers, before
the arrival of Fuentes, in the same valley. The opinion., notwithstanding,
that the discovery was altogether miraculous, instead of having been
abandoned at the commencement, was confirmed still more and more with the
progress of time. The Jesuits Antonio Ruiz and Pedro Lozano, in their
respective histories of the missions of Paraguay, &c., undertook to
demonstrate that the Apostle St. Thomas had been in America. This thesis,
which was so novel, and so well calculated to draw the public attention,
required, more than any other, the aid of the most power of reasons, and of
the most irrefragable documents, to be able to maintain itself, even in an
hypothetical sense; but nothing of all this was brought forward. Certain
miserable conjectures, prepossession, and personal interest, supplied the
place of truth and criticism. The form of a human foot, which they fancied
they saw imprinted on the rock, and the different fables of this description
invented by ignorance at every step, were the sole foundations on which all
the relations on this subject were made to repose. The one touching the
peregrinations of St. Thomas from Brazil to Quito must be deemed apocryphal,
when it is considered that the above reverend fathers describe the Apostle
with the staff in the hand, the black cassock girt about the waist, and all
the other trappings which distinguish the missionaries of the society. The
credit which these histories obtained at the commencement was equal to that
bestowed on the cross of Tarija, which remained in the predicament of being
the one St. Thomas had planted in person, in the continent of America."
The Chibchas
A people called the Chibchas dwelt at a very high point of the Andes range.
They were brave and industrious, and possessed a culture of their own. They
defended themselves against much stronger native races, but after the
Spanish conquest their country was included in New Granada, and is now part
or the United States of Colombia. Less experienced than the Peruvians or
Aztecs, they could, however, weave and dye, carve and engrave, make roads,
build temples, and work in stone, wood, and metals. They also worked in
pottery and jewellery, making silver pendants and collars of shells and
collars of precious stones. They were a wealthy folk, and their Spanish
conquerors obtained much spoil. Little is known concerning them or their
language, and there is not much of interest in the traditions relating to
them.
Their mythology was simple. They believed the moon was the wife of Bochica,
who represented the sun, and as she tried to destroy men Bochica only
allowed her to give light during the night. When the aborigines were in a
condition of barbarism Bochica taught them and civilised them. The legends
about Bochica resemble in many points those about Quetzalcoad or Manco
Ccapac, as well as those relating to the founder of Buddhism and the first
Inca of Peru. The Chibchas offered human sacrifices to their gods at certain
intervals, and kept the wretched victim for some years in preparation for
his doom. They venerated greatly the Lake of Quatavita, and are supposed to
have flung their treasures into it when they were conquered. Although many
attempts have been made to recover these, little of value has been found.
The Chibchas appear to have given allegiance to two leaders, one the Zippa,
who lived at Bogota, the other the Zoque, who lived at Hunsa, now Tunja.
These chiefs ruled supreme. Like the Incas, they could only have one lawful
wife, and their sons did not succeed them-their power passed, as in some
Central African tribes, to the eldest son of the sister.
When the Zippa died, sweet-smelling resin took the place of his internal
parts, and the body was put in a wooden coffin, with sheets of gold for
ornamentation. The coffin was hidden in an unknown sepulchre, and these
tombs have never been discovered-at least, so say the Spaniards. Their
weapons, garments, objects of daily use, even jars of chicha, were buried
with these chiefs. It is very likely that a cave where rows of mummies
richly dressed were found, and many jewels, was the secret burying-place of
the Zippas and the Zoques. To these folk death meant only a continuation of
the life on earth.
A Severe Legal Code
The laws of the Chibchas were severe-death was meted out to the murderer,
and bodily punishment for stealing. A coward was made to look like a woman
and do her work while to an unfaithful wife was administered a dose of red
pepper, which, if swallowed, released the culprit from the penalty of death
and entitled her to an apology from her husband. The Chibchas made no use of
cattle, and lived on honey. Their houses were built of clay, and were set in
the midst of an enclosure guarded by watch-towers. The roofs were of a
conical shape, covered with reed mats, and skilfully interlaced rushes were
used to close the openings.
The Chibchas were skilful in working bronze, lead, copper, tin, gold, and
silver, but not iron. The Saint Germain Museum has many specimens of gold
and silver articles made by these people. M. Uricaechea, has still more
uncommon specimens in his collection, such as two golden masks of the human
face larger than life, and a great number of statuettes of men, and images
of monkeys and frogs.
The Chibchas traded with what they made, exporting the rock salt they found
in their own country and receiving in exchange cereals with which to
cultivate their own poor soil. They also made curious little ornaments which
might have passed for money, but they are not supposed to have understood
coinage. They had few stone columns-only large granite rocks covered with
huge figures of tigers and crocodiles. Humboldt mentions these, and two very
high columns, covered with sculpture, at the junction of the Carare and
Magdalena, greatly revered by the natives, were raised probably by the
Chibchas.
A Strange Mnemonic System
On the arrival of the Spaniards the Peruvians were unacquainted with any
system of writing or numeration. The only means of recording events they
possessed was that provided by quipos, knotted pieces of string or hide of
varying length and colour. According to the length or colour of these cords
the significance of the record varied; it was sometimes historical and
sometimes mathematical. Quipos relating to the history of the Incas were
carefully preserved by an officer called Quipo Camayol-literally, "The
Guardian of the Quipos." The greater number were destroyed as monuments of
idolatry by the fanatical Spanish monks who came over with the
Conquistadores, but their loss is by no means important, as no study,
however profound, could possibly unriddle the system upon which they were
based. The Peruvians, however, long continued to use them in secret.
Practical Use of the Quipos
The Marquis de Nadaillac has placed on record a use to which the quipos were
put in more modern times. He says: "A great revolt against the Spaniards was
organised in 1792. As was found out later, the revolt had been organised by
means of messengers carrying a piece of wood in which were enclosed threads
the ends of which were formed of red, black, blue, or white fringes. The
black thread had four knots, which signified that the messenger had started
from Vladura, the residence of the chief of the conspiracy, four days after
full moon. The white thread had ten knots, which signified that the revolt
would break out ten days after the arrival of the messenger. The person to
whom the keeper was sent had in his turn to make a knot in the red thread if
he agreed to join the confederates; in the red and blue threads, on the
contrary, if he refused." It was by means of these quipos that the Incas
transmitted their instructions. On all the roads starting from the capital,
at distances rarely exceeding five miles, rose tambos, or stations for the
chasquis or couriers, who went from one post to another. The orders of the
Inca thus became disseminated with great rapidity. Orders which emanated
directly from the sovereign were marked with a red thread of the royal
llantu (mantle), and nothing, as historians assure us, could equal the
respect with which these messages were received.
The Incas as Craftsmen
The Incan Peruvians had made some progress in the metallurgic, ceramic, and
textile arts. By washing the sands of the rivers of Caravaya they obtained
large quantities of gold, and they extracted silver from the ore by means of
blast-furnaces. Copper also was abundant, and was employed to manufacture
bronze, of which most of their implements were made. Although it is
difficult to know at what period their mining operations were carried on, it
is evident that they could only have learned the art through long
experience. Many proofs are to be found of their skill in jewellery, and
amongst these are wonderful statuettes which they made from an amalgam of
gold and mercury, afterwards exposed to great heat. A number of curious
little ornaments made of various substances, with a little hole bored
through them, were frequently found under the huacas-probably talismans. The
finest handiwork of the Incas was undoubtedly in jewellery; but
unfortunately most of the examples of their work in this craft were melted
down to assuage the insatiable avarice of the Spanish conquerors, and are
therefore for ever lost to us. The spade and chisel employed in olden times
by the Peruvians are much the same as the people use now, but some of their
tools were clumsy. Their javelins, tomahawks, and other military arms were
very futile weapons. Some found near the mines of Pasco were made of stone.
The spinning, weaving, and dyeing of the Peruvians were unequalled in
aboriginal America, their cloths and tapestries being both graceful in
design and strong in texture.
Stamps of bark or earthenware were employed to fix designs upon their
woollen stuffs, and feathers were added to the garments made from these, the
combination producing a gay effect much admired by the Spaniards. The
British Museum possesses some good specimens of these manufactures.
Pottery
The Peruvians excelled in the potter's art. The pottery was baked in a kiln,
and was varied in colour, red, black, and grey being the favourite shades.
It was varnished outside, and the vases were moulded in two pieces and
joined before heating. Much of the work is of great grace and elegance, and
the shapes of animals were very skilfully imitated. Many drinking cups of
elegant design have been discovered, and some vases are of considerable
size, measuring over three feet in height. A simple geometric pattern is
usually employed for decoration, but sometimes rows of birds and insects
figure in the ceramics. The pottery of the coast veople is more rich and
varied than that of the Inca race proper, and among its types we find vases
moulded in the form of human faces, many of them exhibiting so much
character that we are forced to conclude that they arc veritable portraits.
Fine stone dishes are often found as well as platters of wood, and these
frequently bear as ornament tasteful carvings representing serpents. On
several cups and vases are painted representations of battles between the
Inca forces and the savages of the eastern forests using bows and arrows;
below wander the animals of the forest region, a brightly painted group.
The Archćological Museum of Madrid gives a representation of very varied
kinds of Peruvian pottery, including some specimens modelled upon a series
of plants, interesting to botanists. The Louvre collections have one or two
interesting examples ot earthenware, as well as the Ethnographical Museum of
St. Petersburg, and in all these collections there are types which are
believed to be peculiar to the Old World.
The Trocadero Museum has a very curious specimen with two necks called the
"Salvador." A drawing on the vase represents a man with a tomahawk. The
Peruvians, like the Mexicans, also made musical instruments out of
earthenware, and heavy ornaments, principally for the ear.
Historical Sketch of the Incan Peruvians
The Inca dominion, as the Spaniards found it, was instituted only about a
century before the coming ot the white man. Before that time Inca sway held
good over scattered portions of the country, but had not extended over the
entire territory which in later times was connected with the Inca name. That
it was founded on the wreck of a more ancient power which once existed in
the district of Chinchay-suyu there can be little doubt. This power was
wielded over a space bounded by the lake of Chinchay-cocha on the north and
Abancay on the south, and extended to the Pacific at the valley of Chincha.
It was constituted by an alliance of tribes under the leadership of the
chief of Pucara, in the Huanca country. A branch of this confederacy, the
Chanca, pushing southward in a general movement, encountered the Inca people
or Colla-suyu, who, under their leader, Pachacutic, a young but determined
chieftain, defeated the invaders in a decisive battle near Cuzco. In
consequence of this defeat the Chanca deserted their former allies and made
common cause with their victors. Together the armies made a determined
attack on the Huanca alliance, which they broke up, and conquered the
northern districts of the Chinchay-suyu. Thus Central Peru fell to the Inca
arms.
The Inca Monarchs
Inca history, or rather tradition, as we must call it in the light of an
unparalleled lack of original documentary evidence, spoke of a series of
eleven monarchs from Manco Ccapac to Huaina Ccapac, who died shortly before
the Spanish conquest. These had reigned for a collective period of nearly
350 years. The evidence that these chiefs had reigned was of the best, for
their mummified bodies were preserved in the great Temple of the Sun at
Cuzco, already described. There they received the same daily service as when
in the flesh. Their private herds of llamas and slaves were still understood
to belong to them, and food and drink were placed before them at stated
intervals. Clothes were made for them, and they were carried about in
palanquins as if for daily exercise. The descendants of each at periodical
intervals feasted on the produce of their ancestor's private estate, and his
mummy was set in the ccntre of the diners and treated as the principal
guest.
The First Incas
After Manco Ccapac and his immediate successor, Sinchi Roca (Wise Chief),
Lloque Yupanqui comes third in the series. He died while his son was still a
child. Concerning Mayta Ccapac, who commenced his reign while yet a minor,
but little is known. He was followed by Ccapac Yupanqui, who defeated the
Conti-suyu, who had grown alarmed at the great power recently attained by
Cuzco. The Inca and his men were attacked whilst about to offer sacrifice. A
second attempt to sack Cuzco and divide its spoil and the women attached to
the great Temple of the Sun likewise ended in the total discomfiture of the
jealous invaders. With Inca Roca, the next Inca, a new dynasty commences,
but it is well-nigh impossible to trace the connection between it and the
preceding one. Of the origin of Inca Roca nothing is related save that he
claimed descent from Manco Ccapac. Roca, instead of waiting to be attacked
in his own dominions, boldly confronted the Conti-suyu in their own
territory, defeated them decisively at Pumatampu, and compelled them to
yield him tribute. His successor, Yahuarhuaccac, initiated a similar
campaign against the Colla. suyu people, against whom he had the assistance
of the conquered Conti-suyu. But at a feast which he held in Cuzco before
setting out he was attacked by his allies, and fled to the Coricancha, or
Golden Temple of the Sun, for refuge, along with his wives. Resistance was
unavailing, and the Inca and many of his favourites were slaughtered. The
allied tribes which had overrun Central Peru now threatened Cuzco, and had
they advanced with promptitude the Inca dynasty would have been wiped out
and the city reduced to ruins. A strong man was at hand, however, who was
capable of dealing with the extremely dangerous situation which had arisen.
This was Viracocha, a chieftain chosen by the vote of the assembled warriors
of Cuzco. By a prudent conciliation of the Conti-suyu and Collasuyu he
established a confederation which not only put an end to all threats of
invasion, but so menaced the invaders that they were glad to return to their
own territory and place it in a suitable state of defence.
Viracocha the Great
With Viracocha the Great, or "Godlike," the period of true Inca ascendancy
commences. He was the real founder of the enlarged Inca dominion. He was
elected Inca on his personal merits, and during a vigorous reign succeeded
in making the influence or Cuzco felt in the contiguous southern regions. In
his old age he retired to his country seats at Yucay and Xaquixahuana, and
left the conduct of the realm to his son and successor, Urco-Inca, a weak-
minded voluptuary, who neglected his royal duties, and was superseded by his
younger brother, Pachacutic, a famous character in Inca history.
The Plain of Blood
The commencement of Pachacutic's reign witnessed one of the most sanguinary
battles in the history of Peru. Hastu-huaraca., chief of the Antahuayllas,
in the Chanca country, invaded the Inca territory, and encamped on the hills
of Carmenca, which overlooks Cuzco. Pachacutic held a parley with him, but
all to no purpose, for the powerful invader was deter. mined to humble the
Inca dynasty to the dust. Battle was speedily joined. The first day's figbt
was indecisive, but on the succeeding day Pachacutic won a great victory,
the larger part of the invading force being left dead on the field of
battle, and Hastuhuaraca retreating with five hundred followers only. The
battle of Yahuar-pampa (Plain of Blood) was the turning-point in Peruvian
history. The young Inca, formerly known as Yupanqui, was now called
Pachacutic (He who changes the World). The warriors of the south made full
submission to him, and came in crowds to offer him their services and seek
his alliance and friendship, and he shortly found himself supreme in the
territories over which his predecessors had exercised merely a nominal
control.
The Conquest of Middle Peru
Hastu-huaraca, who had been commissioned by the allied tribesmen of
Chinchay-suyu to reduce the Incas, now threw in his lot with them, and
together conqueror and conquered proceeded to the liberation of the district
of Chinchay-suyu from the tyranny of the Huanca alliance. The reduction of
the southern portion of that territory was speedily accomplished. In the
valley of Xauxa the invaders came upon the army of the Huanca, on which they
inflicted a final defeat. The Inca spared and liberated the prisoners of
war, who were numerous. Once more, at Tarma, were the Huanca beaten, after
which all resistance appears to have been overcome. The city-state of Cuzco
was now the dominant power throughout the whole of Central Peru, a territory
300 miles in length, whilst it exercised a kind of suzerainty over a
district of equal extent toward the south-east, which it shortly converted
into actual dominion.
Fusion of Races
This conquest of Central Peru led to the fusing of the Quichua-speaking
tribes on the left bank of the Apurimac with the Aymara-speaking folk on the
right bank, with the result that the more numerous Quichua speedily gained
linguistic ascendancy over their brethren the Aymara. Subsequently to this
the peoples of Southern and Central Peru, led by Inca headmen, swept in a
great wave of migration over Cerro de Pasco, where they met with little or
no resistance, and Pachacutic lived to be lord over a dominion extending for
a thousand miles to the northward, and founder of a great Inca colony south
of the equator almost identical in outline with the republic of Ecuador.
Two Branches of the Incas
These conquests, or rather race-movements, split up the Inca people into two
separate portions, the respective centres of which were well-nigh a thousand
miles apart. The centre of the northern district was at Turnipampa,
Riopampa, and Quito at different periods. The political separation of these
areas was only a question of time. Geographical conditions almost totally
divided the two portions of the empire, a sparsely populated stretch of
country 400 miles in extent lying between them (see map, P. 333.)
The Laws of Pachacutic
Pachacutic united to his fame as a warrior the reputation of a wise and
liberal ruler. He built the great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco, probably on
the site of a still older building, and established in its walls the convent
in which five hundred maidens were set apart for the service of the god. He
also, it is said ' instituted the great rite of the Ccapac-cocha, at which
maize, cloth, llamas, and children were sacrificed in honour of the sun-god.
He devised a kind of census, by which governors were compelled periodically
to render an account of the population under their rule. This statement was
made by means of quipos. Agriculture was his peculiar care, and he was
stringent in the enforcement of laws regarding the tilling of the soil, the
foundation and upkeep of stores and granaries, and the regulation of labour
in general. As an architect he took upon himself the task of personally
designing the principal buildings of the city of Cuzco, which were rebuilt
under his instructions and in accordance with models moulded from clay by
his own hands. He appears to have had a passion for order, and to him we may
be justified in tracing the rigorous and almost grandmotherly system under
which the Peruvians were living at the time of the arrival of their Spanish
conquerors. To Pachacutic, too, is assigned the raising of the immense
fortress of Sacsahuaman, already described. He further instituted the order
of knighthood known as Auqui, or "Warrior,"' entrance to which was granted
to suitable applicants at the great feast of Ccapac Raymi, or Festival of
the Sun. He also named the succession of moons, and erected the pillars on
the hill of Carmenca by which the season of solstice was found. In short,
all law and order which had a place in the Peruvian social economy were
attributed to him, and we may designate him the Alfred of his race.
Tupac-Yupanqui
Pachacutic's son, Tupac-Yupanqui, for some time before his father's death
acted as his lieutenant. His name signifies " Bright " or "Shining." His
activity extended to every portion of the Inca dominion, the borders of
which he enlarged, suppressing revolts, sub. jugating tribes not wholly
brought within the pale of Inca influence, and generally completing the work
so ably begun bv his father.
"The Gibbet"
A spirit of cruelty, and excess such as was unknown to Pachacutic marked the
military exploits of Tupac. In the valley of Huarco, near the Pacific coast,
for example, he was repulsed by the natives, who were well supplied with
food and stores of all sorts, and whose town was well fortified and very
strongly situated. Tupac constructed an immense camp, or rather town, the
outlines of which recalled those of his capital of Cuzco, on a hill opposite
the city, and here he calmly sat down to watch the gradual starvation of the
enemy. This siege continued for three years, until the wretched defenders,
driven to despair through want of food, capitulated, relying on the
assurance of their conqueror that they should become a part of the Inca
nation and that their daughters should become the wives of Inca youths. The
submission of their chiefs having been made, Tupac ordered a general
massacre of the warriors and principal civilians. At the conquest the
Spaniardr could still see the immense heaps of bones which littered the spot
where this heartless holocaust took place, and the name Huarco (The Gibbet)
became indissolubly associated with the district.
Huaina Ccapac
Tupac died in 1493, and was succeeded by his son Huaina Ccapac (The Young
Chief). Huaina was about twenty-two years of age at the time of his father's
death, and although the late Inca had named Ccapac-Huari, his son by another
wife, as his successor, the claims of Huaina were recognised. His reign was
peaceful, and was marked by wise administrative improvements and engineering
effort. At the same time he was busily employed in holding the savage
peoples who surrounded his empire in check. He favoured the northern colony,
and rebuilt Tumipampa, but resided at Quito. Here he dwelt for some years
with a favourite son by a wife of the lower class, named Tupac-atau-huallpa
(The Sun makes Good Fortune). Huaina was the victim of an epidemic raging in
Peru at the time. He was greatly feared by his subjects, and was the last
Inca who held undisputed sway over the entire dominion. Like Nezahualcoyotl
in Mexico, he attempted to set up the worship of one god in Peru, to the
detriment of all other huacas, or sacred beings.
The Inca Civil War
On the death of Huaina his two sons, Huascar and Atauhuallpa, [This is the
name by which he is generally alluded to in Peruvian history.] strove for
the crown. Before his demise Huaina had divided his dominion between his two
sons, but it was said that he had wrested Quito from a certain chieftain
whose daughter he had married, and by whom he had Atauhuallpa, who was
therefore rightful heir to that province. The other son, Huascar, or Tupac-
cusi-huallpa (The Sun makes Joy), was born to his principal sister-wife-for,
according to Inca custom, the monarchs of Peru, like those of certain
Egyptian dynasties, filled with pride of race, and unwilling to mingle their
blood with that of plebeians, took spouses from among their sisters. This is
the story as given by many Spanish chroniclers, but it has no foundation in
fact. Atauhuallpa was in reality the son of a woman of the people, and
Huascar was not the son of Huaina's sister-wife, but of a wife of less
intimate relationship. Therefore both sons were on an equality as regards
descent. Huascar, however, was nearer the throne by virtue of his mother's
status, which was that of a royal princess, whereas the mother of
Atauhuallpa was not officially recognised. Huascar by his excesses and his
outrages on religion and public decency aroused the people to revolt against
his power, and Atauhuallpa, discerning his opportunity in this émeute, made
a determined attack on the royal forces, and succeeded in driving them
slowly back, until at last Turnipampa was razed to the ground, and shortly
afterwards the important southerly fortress of Caxamarca fell into the hands
of the rebels.
A Dramatic Situation
Atauhuallpa. remained at Caxamarca, and despatched the bulk of his forces
into the enemy's country. These drove the warriors of Huascar back until the
upper courses of the Apurimac were reached. Huascar fled from Cuzco, but was
captured, and carried a prisoner with his mother, wife, and children to
Atauhuallpa. Not many days afterwards news of the landing of the Spaniards
was received by the rebel Inca. The downfall of the Peruvian Empire was at
hand.
A Worthless Despotism
If the blessings of a well-regulated government were dispensed by the Incas,
these benefits were assuredly counterbalanced by the degrading despotism
which accompanied them. The political organisation of the Peruvian Empire
was in every sense more complete than that of Mexico. But in a state where
individual effort and liberty are entirely crushed even such an effective
organisation as the Peruvian can avail the people little, and is merely a
device for the support of a calculated tyranny.
CHAPTER VII; THE MYTHOLOGY OF PERU
The Religion of Ancient Peru
THE religion of the ancient Peruvians had obviously developed in a much
shorter time than that of the Mexicans. The more ancient character inherent
in it was displayed in the presence of deities many of which were little
better than mere totems, and although a definite monotheism or worship of
one god appears to have been reached, it was not by the efforts of the
priestly caste that this was achieved, but rather by the will of the Inca
Pachacutic, who seems to have been a monarch gifted with rare insight and
ability-a man much after the type of the Mexican Nezahualcoyotl.
In Inca times the religion of the people was solely directed by the state,
and regulated in such a manner that independent theological thought was
permitted no outlet. But it must not be inferred from this that no change
had ever come over the spirit of Peruvian religion. As a matter of fact
sweeping changes had been effected, but these had been solely the work of
the Inca race, the leaders of which had amalgamated the various faiths of
the peoples whom they had conquered into one official belief.
Totemism
Garcilasso el Inca de la Vega, an early Spanish writer on matters Peruvian,
states that tradition ran that in ante-Inca times every district, family,
and village possessed its own god, each different from the others. These
gods were usually such objects as trees, mountains, flowers, herbs, caves,
large stones, pieces of jasper, and animals. The jaguar, puma, and bear were
worshipped for their strength and fierceness, the monkey and fox for their
cunning, the condor for its size and because several tribes believed
themselves to be descended from it. The screech-owl was worshipped for its
beauty, and the common owl for its power of seeing in the dark. Serpents,
particularly the larger and more dangerous varieties, were especially
regarded with reverence.
Although Payne classes all these gods together as totems, it is plain that
those of the first class-the flowers, herbs, caves, and pieces of jasper-are
merely fetishes. A fetish is an object in which the savage believes to be
resident a spirit which, by its magic, will assist him in his undertakings.
A totem is an object or an animal, usually the latter, with which the people
of a tribe believe themselves to be connected by ties of blood and from
which they are descended. It later becomes the type or symbol of the tribe.
Paccariscas
Lakes, springs, rocks, mountains, precipices, and caves were all regarded by
the various Peruvian tribes as paccariscas-places whence their ancestors had
originally issued to the upper world. The paccarisca was usually saluted
with the cry, "Thou art my birthplace, thou art my life-spring. Guard me
from evil, O Paccarisca!" In the holy spot a spirit was supposed to dwell
which served the tribe as a kind of oracle. Naturally the paccarisca was
looked upon with extreme reverence. It became, indeed, a sort of life-centre
for the tribe, from which they were very unwilling to be separated.
Worship of Stones
The worship of stones appears to have been almost as universal in ancient
Peru as it was in ancient Palestine. Man in his primitive state believes
stones to be the framework of the earth, its bony structure. He considers
himself to have emerged from some cave-in fact, from the entrails of the
earth. Nearly all American creation-myths regard man as thus emanating from
the bowels of the great terrestrial mother. Rocks which were thus chosen as
paccariscas are found, among many other places, at Callca, in the valley of
the Yucay, and at Titicaca there is a great mass of red sandstone on the top
of a high ridge with almost inaccessible slopes and dark, gloomy recesses
where the sun was thought to have hidden himself at the time of the great
deluge which covered all the earth. The rock of Titicaca was, in fact, the
great paccarisca of the sun itself.
We are thus not surprised to find that many standing stones were worshipped
in Peru in aboriginal times. Thus Arriaga states that rocks of great size
which bore some resemblance to the human figure were imagined to have been
at one time gigantic men or spirits who, because they disobeyed the creative
power, were turned into stone. According to another account they were said
to have suffered this punishment for refusincr to listen to the words of
Thonapa, the son of the creator, who, like Quetzalcoad or Manco Ccapac, had
taken upon himself the guise of a wandering Indian, so that he might have an
opportunity of bringing the arts of civilisation to the aborigines. At
Tiahuanaco a certain group of stones was said to represent all that remained
of the villagers of that place, who, instead of paying fitting attention to
the wisc counsel which Thonapa the Civiliser bestowed upon them, continued
to dance and drink in scorn of the teachings he had brought to them.
Again, some stones were said to have become men, as in the old Greek
creation-legend of Deucalion and Pyrrha. In the legend of Ccapac Inca
Pachacutic, when Cuzco was attacked in force by the Chancas an Indian
erected stones to which he attached shields and weapons so that they should
appear to represent so many warriors in hiding. Pachacutic, in great need of
assistance, cried to them with such vehemence to come to his help that they
became men, and rendered him splendid service.
Huacas
Whatever was sacred, of sacred origin, or of the nature of a relic the
Peruvians designated a huaca, from the root huacan, to howl, native worship
invariably taking the form of a kind of howl, or weird, dirge-like wailing.
All objects of reverence were known as huacas, although those of a higher
class were also alluded to as viracochas. The Peruvians had, naturally, many
forms of huaca, the most popular of which were those of the fetish class
which could be carried about by the individual. These were usually stones or
pebbles, many of which were carved and painted, and some made to represent
human beings. The llama and the ear of maize were perhaps the most usual
forms of these sacred objects. Some of them had an agricultural
significance. In order that irrigation might proceed favourably a huaca was
placed at intervals in proximity to the acequias, or irrigation canals,
which was supposed to prevent them leaking or otherwise failing to supply a
sufficiency of moisture to the parched maize-fields. Huacas of this sort
were known as ccompas, and were regarded as deities of great importance, as
the foodsupply of the community was thought to be wholly dependent upon
their assistance. Other huacas of a similar kind were called chichics and
huancas, and these prcsided over the fortunes of the maize, and ensured that
a sufficient supply of rain should be forthcoming. Great numbers of these
agricultural fetishes were destroyed by the zealous commissary Hernandez de
Avendańo.
The Mamas
Spirits which were supposed to be instrumental in forcing the growth of the
maize or other plants were the mamas. We find a similar conception among
many Brazilian tribes to-day, so that the idea appears to have been a widely
accepted one in South American countries. The Peruvians called such agencies
"mothers," adding to the generic name that of the plant or herb with which
they were specially associated. Thus acsumama was the potato-mother,
quinuamama the quinua-mother, saramama the maize-mother, and cocamama the
mother of the coca-shrub. Of these the saramama was naturally the most
important, governing as it did the principal source of the food-supply of
the community. Sometimes an image of the saramama was carved in stone, in
the shape of an car of maize. The saramama was also worshipped in the form
of a doll, or huantay. sara, made out of stalks of maize, renewed at each
harvest, much as the idols of the great corn-mother of Mexico were
manufactured at each harvest-season. After having been made, the image was
watched over for three nights, and then sacrifice was done to it. The priest
or medicine-man of the tribe would then inquire of it whether or not it was
capable of existing until that time in the next year. If its spirit replied
in the affirmative it was permitted to remain where it was until the
following harvest. If not it was removed, burnt, and another figure took its
place, to which similar questions were put.
The Huamantantac
Connected with agriculture in some degree was the Huamantantac (He who
causes the Cormorants to gather themselves together). This was the agency
responsible for the gathering of sea-birds, resulting in the deposits of
guano to be found along the Peruvian coast which are so valuable in the
cultivation of the maize-plant. He was regarded as a most beneficent spirit,
and was sacrificed to with exceeding fervour.
Huaris
The huaris, or "great ones," were the ancestors of the aristocrats of a
tribe, and were regarded as specially favourable toward agricultural effort,
possibly because the land had at one time belonged to them personally. They
were sometimes alluded to as the "gods of strength," and were sacrificed to
by libations of chicha. Ancestors in general were deeply revered, and had an
agricultural significance, in that considerable tracts of land were tilled
in order that they might be supplied with suitable food and drink offerings.
As the number of ancestors increased more and more land was brought into
cultivation, and the hapless people had their toil added to immeasurably by
these constant demands upon them.
Huillcas
The huillcas were huacas which partook of the nature of oracles. Many of
these were serpents, trees, and rivers, the noises made by which appeared to
the primitive Peruvians-as, indeed, they do to primitive folk all over the
world-to be of the quality of articulate speech. Both the Huillcamayu and
the Apurimac rivers at Cuzco were huillca oracles of this kind, as their
names, "Huillca-river " and "Great Speaker," denote. These oracles often set
the mandate of the Inca himself at defiance, occasionally supporting popular
opinion against his policy.
The Oracles of the Andes
The Peruvian Indians of the Andes range within recent generations continued
to adhere to the superstitions they had inherited from their fathers. A rare
and interesting account of these says that they "admit an evil being, the
inhabitant of the centre of the earth, whom they consider as the author of
their misfortunes, and at the mention of whose name they tremble. The most
shrewd among them take advantage of this belief to obtain respect, and
represent themselves as his delegates. Under the denomination of mohanes, or
agoreros, they are consulted even on the most trivial occasions. They
preside over the intrigues of love, the health of the community, and the
taking of the field. Whatever repeatedly occurs to defeat their prognostics,
falls on themselves; and they are wont ta pay for their deceptions very
dearly. They chew a species of vegetable called piripiti, and throw it into
the air, accompanying this act by certain recitals and incantations, to
injure some, to benefit others, to procure rain and the inundation of the
rivers, or, on the other hand, to occasion settled weather, and a plentiful
store of agricultural productions. Any such result, having been casually
verified on a single occasion, suffices to confirm the Indians in their
faith, although they may have been cheated a thousand times. Fully persuaded
that they cannot resist the influence of the piripiri, as soon as they know
that they have been solicited in love by its means, they fix their eyes on
the impassioned object, and discover a thousand amiable traits, either real
or fanciful, which indifference had before concealed from their view. But
the principal power, efficacy, and it may be said misfortune of the mohanes
consist in the cure of the sick. Every malady is ascribed to theit
enchantments, and means are instantly taken to ascertain by whom the
mischief may have been wrought. For this purpose, the nearest relative takes
a quantity of the juice of floripondium, and suddenly falls intoxicated by
the violence of the plant. He is placed in a fit posture to prevent
suffocation, and on his coming to himself, at the end of three days, the
mohane who has the greatest resemblance to the sorcerer he saw in his
visions is to undertake the cure, or if, in the interim, the sick man has
perished, it is customary to subject him to the same fate. When not any
sorcerer occurs in the visions, the first mohane they encounter has the
misfortune to represent his image." [Skinner, State of Peru, p. 275]
Lake-Worship in Peru
At Lake Titicaca the Peruvians believed the inhabitants of the earth,
animals as well as men, to have been fashioned by the creator, and the
district was thus sacrosanct in their eyes. The people of the Collao called
it Mamacota (Mother-water), because it furnished them with supplies of food.
Two great idols were connected with this worship. One called Copacahuana was
made of a bluish-green stone shaped like a fish with a human head, and was
placed in a commanding position on the shores of the lake. On the arrival of
the Spaniards so deeply rooted was the worship of this goddess that they
could only suppress it by raising an image of the Virgin in place of the
idol. The Christian emblem remains to this day. Mamacota was venerated as
the giver of fish, with which the lake abounded. The other image, Copacati
(Serpent-stone), represented the element of water as embodied in the lake
itself in the form of an image wreathed in serpents, which in America are
nearly always symbolical of water.
The Lost Island
A strange legend is recounted of this lake-goddess. She was chiefly
worshipped as the giver of rain, but Huaina Ccapac, who had modern ideas and
journeyed through the country casting down huacas had determined to raise on
an island of Lake Titicaca a temple to Yatiri (The Ruler), the Aymara name
of the god Pachacamac in his form of Pachayachachic. He commenced by raising
the new shrine on the island of Titicaca itself. But the deity when called
upon refused to vouchsafe any reply to his worshippers or priests. Huaina
then commanded that the shrine should be transferred to the island of
Apinguela. But the same thing happened there. He then inaugurated a temple
on the island of Paapiti, and lavished upon it many sacrifices of llamas,
children, and precious metals. But the offended tutelary goddess of the
lake, irritated beyond endurance by this invasion of her ancient domain,
lashed the watery waste into such a frenzy of storm that the island and the
shrine which covered it disappeared beneath the waves and were never
thereafter beheld by mortal eye.
The Thunder God of Peru
The rain-and-thunder god of Peru was worshipped in various parts of the
country under various names. Among the Collao he was known as Con, and in
that part of the Inca dominions now known as Bolivia he was called
Churoquella. Near the cordilleras of the coast he was probably known as
Pariacaca, who expelled the huaca of the district by dreadful tempests,
hurling rain and hail at him for three days and ni hts in such quantities as
to form the great lake of Pariacaca. Burnt llamas were offered to him. But
the Incas, discontented with this local worship, which by no means suited
their system of central government, determined to create one thunder-deity
to whom all the tribes in the empire must bow as the only god of his class.
We are not aware what his name was, but we know from mythological evidence
that he was a mixture of all the other gods of thunder in the Peruvian
Empire, first because he invariably occupied the third place in the triad of
greater deities, the creator, sun, and thunder, all of whom were more or
less amalgamations of provincial and metropolitan gods, and secondly because
a great image of him was erected in the Coricancha at Cuzco, in which he was
represented in human form, wearing a headdress which concealed his face,
symbolic of the clouds, which ever veil the thunder-god's head. He had a
special temple of his own, moreover, and was assigned a share in the sacred
lands by the Inca Pachacutic. He was accompanied by a figure of his sister,
who carried jars of water. An unknown Quichuan poet composed on the myth the
following graceful little poem, which was translated by the late Daniel
Garrison Brinton, an enthusiastic Americanist and professor of American
archćology in the University of Pennsylvania:
Bounteous Princess,
Lo, thy brother
Breaks thy vessel
Now in fragments.
From the blow come
Thunder, lightning,
Strokes of lightning;
And thou, Princess,
Tak'st the water,
With it rainest,
And the hail or
Snow dispensest,
Viracocha,
World-constructor.
It will be observed that the translator here employs the name Viracocha as
if it were that of the deity. But it was merely a general expression in use
for a more than usually sacred being. Brinton, commenting upon the legend,
says: "In this pretty waif that has floated down to us from the wreck of a
literature now for ever lost there is more than one point to attract the
notice of the antiquary. He may find in it a hint to decipher those names of
divinities so common in Peruvian legends, Contici and Illatici. Both mean
'the Thunder Vase,' and both doubtless refer to the conception here
displayed of the phenomena of the thunderstorm." Alluding to Peruvian
thunder-myth elsewhere, he says in an illuminating passage: "Throughout the
realms of the Incas the Peruvians venerated as maker of all things and ruler
of the firmament the god Ataguju. The legend was that from him proceeded the
first of mortals, the man Guamansuri, who descended to the earth and there
wedded the sister of certain Guachimines, rayless ones or Darklings, who
then possessed it. They destroyed him, but their sister gave birth to twin
sons, Apocatequil and Piguerao. The former was the more powerful. By
touching the corpse of his mother he brought her to life, he drove off and
slew the Guachimines, and, directed by Ataguju, released the race of Indians
from the soil by turning it up with a spade of gold. For this reason they
adored him as their maker. He it was, they thought, who produced the thunder
and the lightning by hurling stones with his sling. And the thunderbolts
that fall, said they, are his children. Few villages were willing to be
without one or more of these. They were in appearance small, round stones,
but had the admirable properties of securing fertility to the fields,
protecting from lightning, and, by a transition easy to understand, were
also adored as gods of fire as well material as of the passions, and were
capable of kindling the dangerous flames of desire in the most frigid
bosoms. Therefore they were in great esteem as love-charms. Apocatequil's
statue was erected on the mountains, with that of his mother on one hand and
his brother on the other. 'He was Prince of Evil, and the most respected god
of the Peruvians. From Quito to Cuzco not an Indian but would give all he
possessed to conciliate him. Five priests, two stewards, and a crowd of
slaves served his image. And his chief temple was surrounded by a very
considerable village, whose inhabitants had no other occupation but to wait
on him.'" In memory of these brothers twins in Peru were always deemed
sacred to the lightning.
There is an instance on record of how the huillca could refuse on occasion
to recognise even royalty itself. Manco, the Inca who had been given the
kingly power by Pizarro, offered a sacrifice to one of these oracular
shrines. The oracle refused to recognise him, through the medium of its
guardian priest, stating that Manco was not the rightful Inca. Manco there.
fore caused the oracle, which was in the shape of a rock, to be thrown down,
whereupon its guardian spirit emerged in the form of a parrot and flew away.
It is probable that the bird thus liberated had been taught by the priests
to answer to the questions of those who came to consult the shrine. But we
learn that on Manco commanding that the parrot should be pursued it sought
another rock, which opened to receive it, and the spirit of the huillca was
transferred to this new abode.
The Great God Pachacamac
Later Peruvian mythology recognised only three gods of the first rank, the
earth, the thunder, and the creative agency. Pachacamac, the great spirit of
earth, derived his name from a word pacha, which may be best trans, lated as
"things." In its sense of visible things it is equivalent to "world,"
applied to things which happen in succession it denotes "time," and to
things connected with persons "property," especially clothes. The world of
visible things is thus Mamapacha (Earth-Mother), under which name the
ancient Peruvians worshipped the earth. Pachacamac, on the other hand, is
not the earth itself, the soil, but the spirit which animates all things
that emerge therefrom. From him proceed the spirits of the plants and
animals which come from the earth. Pachamama is the motherspirit of the
mountains, rocks, and plains, Pachacamac the father-spirit of the grain-
bearing plants, animals, birds, and man. In some localities Pachacamac and
Pachamama were worshipped as divine mates. Possibly this practice was
universal in early times, gradually lapsing into desuetude in later days.
Pachamama was in another phase intended to denote the land immediately
contiguous to a settlement, on which the inhabitants depended for their
food-supply.
Peruvian Creation-Stories
It is easy to see how such a conception as Pachacamac, the spirit of
animated nature, would become one with the idea of a universal or even a
partial creator. That there was a pre-existing conception of a creative
agency can be proved from the existence of the Peruvian name Conticsi-
viracocha (He who gives Origin, or Beginning). This conception and that of
Pachacamac must at some comparatively early period have clashed, and been
amalgamated probably with ease when it was seen how nearly akin were the two
ideas. Indeed, Pachacamac was alternatively known as Pacharurac, the "maker"
of all things-sure proof of his amalgamation with the conception of the
creative agency. As such he had his symbol in the great Coricancha at Cuzco,
an oval plate of gold, suspended between those of the sun and the moon, and
placed vertically, it may be hazarded with some probability, to represent in
symbol that universal matrix from which emanated all things. Elsewhere in
Cuzco the creator was represented by a stone statue in human form.
Pachayachachic
In later Inca days this idea of a creator assumed that of a direct ruler of
the universe, known as Pachayachachic. This change was probably due to the
influence of the Inca Pachacutic, who is known to have made several other
doctrinal innovations in Peruvian theology. He commanded a great new temple
to the creator-god to be built at the north angle of the city of Cuzco, in
which he placed a statue of pure gold, of the size of a boy of ten years of
age. The small size was to facilitate its removal, as Peruvian worship was
nearly always carried out in the open air, In form it represented a man with
his right arm elevated, the hand partially closed and the forefinger and
thumb raised, as if in the act of uttering the creative word. To this god
large possessions and revenues were assigned, for previously service
rendered to him had been voluntary only.
Ideas of Creation
It is from aboriginal sources as preserved by the first Spanish colonists
that we glean our knowledge of what the Incas believed the creative process
to consist. By means of his word (ńisca) the creator, a spirit, powerful and
opulent, made all things. We are provided with the formulć of his very words
by the Peruvian prayers still extant: "Let earth and heaven be," "Let a man
be; let a woman be," "Let there be day," "Let there be night," "Let the
light shine." The sun is here regarded as the creative agency, and the
ruling caste as the objects of a special act of creation.
Pacari Tampu
Pacari Tampu (House of the Dawn) was the place of origin, according to the
later Inca theology, of four brothers and sisters who initiated the four
Peruvian systems of worship. The eldest climbed a neighbouring mountain, and
cast stones to the four points of the compass, thus indicating that he
claimed all the land within sight. But his youngest brother succeeded in
enticing him into a cave, which he sealed up with a great stone, thus
imprisoning him for ever. He next persuaded his second brother to ascend a
lofty mountain, from which he cast him, changing him into a stone in his
descent. On beholding the fate of his brethren the third member of the
quartette fled. It is obvious that we have here a legend concocted by the
later Inca priesthood to account for the evolution of Peruvian religion in
its different stages. The first brother would appear to represent the oldest
religion in Peru, that of the paccariscas, the second that of a fetishistic
stone worship, the third perhaps that of Viracocha, and the last sun-worship
pure and simple. There was, however, an "official" legend, which stated that
the sun had three sons, Viracocha, Pachacamac, and Manco Ccapac. To the last
the dominion of mankind was given, whilst the others were concerned with the
workings of the universe. This politic arrangement placed all the power,
temporal and spiritual, in the hands of the reputed descendants of Manco
Ccapac the Incas.
Worship of the Sea
The ancient Peruvians worshipped the sea as well as the earth, the folk
inland regarding it as a menacing deity, whilst the people of the coast
reverenced it as a god of benevolence, calling it Mama-cocha, or Mother-sea,
as it yielded them subsistence in the form of fish on which they chiefly
lived. They worshipped the whale, fairly common on that coast, because of
its enormous size, and various districts regarded with adoration the species
of fish most abundant there. This worship can have partaken in no sense of
the nature of totemism, as the system forbade that the totem animal should
be eaten. It was imagined that the prototype of each variety of fish dwelt
in the upper world, just as many tribes of North American Indians believe
that the eponymous ancestors of certain animals dwell at the four points of
the compass or in the sky above them. This great fish-god engendered the
others of his species, and sent them into the waters of the deep that they
might exist there until taken for the use of man. Birds, too, had their
eponymous counterparts among the stars, as had animals. Indeed, among many
of the South American races, ancient and modern, the constellations were
called after certain beasts and birds.
Viracocha
The Aymara-Quichua race worshipped Viracocha as a great culture hero. They
did not offer him sacrifices or tribute, as they thought that he, being
creator and possessor of all things, needed nothing from men, so they only
gave him worship. After him they idolised the sun. They believed, indeed,
that Viracocha had made both sun and moon, after emerging from Lake
Titicaca, and that then he made the earth and peopled it. On his travels
westward from the lake he was sometimes assailed by men, but he revenged
himself by sending terrible storms upon them and destroying their property,
so they humbled themselves and acknowledged him as their lord. He forgave
them and taught them everything, obtaining from them the name of
Pachayachachic. In the end he disappeared in the western ocean. He either
created or there were born with him four beings who, according to mythical
beliefs, civilised Peru. To them he assigned the four quarters of the earth,
and they are thus known as the our winds, north, south, east, and west. One
legend avers they came from the cave Pacari, the Lodging of the Dawn.
Sun-Worship in Peru
The name "Inca" means "People of the Sun," which luminary the Incas regarded
as their creator. But they did not worship him totemically-that is, they did
not claim him as a progenitor, although they regarded him as possessing the
attributes of a man. And here we may observe a difference between Mexican
and Peruvian sun-worship, For whereas the Nahua primarily regarded the orb
as the abode of the Man of the Sun, who came to earth in the shape of
Quetzalcoatl, the Peruvians looked upon the sun itself as the deity. The
Inca race did not identify their ancestors as children of the sun until a
comparatively late date. Sun-worship was introduced by the Inca Pachacutic,
who averred that the sun appeared to him in a dream and addressed him as his
child. Until that time the worship of the sun had always been strictly
subordinated to that of the creator, and the deity appeared only as second
in the trinity of creator, sun, and thunder. But permanent provision was
made for sacrifices to the sun before the other deities were so recognised,
and as the conquests of the Incas grew wider and that provision extended to
the new territories they came to be known as "the Lands of the Sun, the
natives observing the dedication of a part of the country to the luminary,
and concluding therefrom that it applied to the whole. The material reality
of the sun would enormously assist his cult among a people who were too
barbarous to appreciate an unseen god, and this colonial conception reacting
upon the mother-land would undoubtedly inspire the military class with a
resolve to strengthen a worship so popular in the conquered provinces, and
of which they were in great measure the protagonists and missionaries.
The Sun's Possessions
In every Peruvian village the sun had considerable possessions. His estates
resembled those of a territorial chieftain, and consisted of a dwelling-
house, a chacra, or portion of land, flocks of llamas and pacos, and a
number of women dedicated to his service. The cultivation of the soil within
the solar enclosure devolved upon the inhabitants of the neighbouring
village, the produce of their toil being stored in the inti-huasi, or sun's
house. The Women of the Sun prepared the daily food and drink of the
luminary, which consisted of maize and chicha. They also spun wool and wove
it into fine stuff, which was burned in order that it might ascend to the
celestial regions, where the deity could make use of it. Each village
reserved a portion of its solar produce for the great festival at Cuzco, and
it was carried thither on the backs of llamas which were destined for
sacrifice.
Inca Occupation of Titicaca
The Rock of Titicaca, the renowned place of the sun's origin, naturally
became an important centre of his worship. The date at which the worship of
the sun originated at this famous rock is extremely remote, but we may
safely assume that it was long before the conquest of the Collao by the Apu-
Ccapac-Inca Pachacutic, and that reverence for the luminary as a war-god by
the Colla chiefs was noticed by Tupac, who in suppressing the revolt
concluded that the local observance at the rock had some relationship to the
disturbance. It is, however, certain that Tupac proceeded after the
reconquest to establish at this natural centre of sun-worship solar rites on
a new basis, with the evident intention of securing on behalf of the Incas
of Cuzco such exclusive benefit as might accrue from the complete possession
of the sun's paccarisca. According to a native account, a venerable colla
(or hermit), consecrated to the service of the sun, had proceeded on foot
from Titicaca to Cuzco for the purpose of commending this ancient seat of
sun-worship to the notice of Tupac. The consequence was that Apu-Ccapac-
Inca, after visiting the island and inquiring into the ancient local
customs, re-established them in a more regular form. His accounts can hardly
be accepted in face of the facts which have been gathered. Rather did it
naturally follow that Titicaca became subservient to Tupac after the revolt
of the Collao had been quelled. Henceforth the worship of the sun at the
place of his origin was entrusted to Incas resident in the place, and was
celebrated with Inca rites. The island was converted into a solar estate and
the aboriginal inhabitants removed. The land was cultivated and the slopes
of the hills levelled, maize was sown and the soil consecrated, the grain
being regarded as the gift of the sun. This work produced considerable
change in the island. Where once was waste and idleness there was now
fertility and industry. The harvests were skilfully apportioned, so much
being reserved for sacrificial purposes, the remainder being sent to Cuzco,
partly to be sown in the chacras, or estates of the sun, throughout Peru,
partly to be preserved in the granary of the Inca and the huacas as a symbol
that there would be abundant crops in the future and that the grain already
stored would be preserved. A building of the Women of the Sun was erected
about a mile from the rock, so that the produce might be available for
sacrifices. For their maintenance, tribute of potatoes, ocas, and quinua was
levied upon the inhabitants of the villages on the shores of the lake, and
of maize upon the people of the neighbouring valleys.
Pilgrimages to Titicaca
Titicaca at the time of the conquest was probably more frequented than
Pachacamac itself. These two places were held to be the cardinal shrines of
the two great huacas, the creator and the sun respectively. A special reason
for pilgrimage to Titicaca was to sacrifice to the sun, as the source of
physical energy and the giver of long life; and he was especially worshipped
by the aged, who believed he had preserved their lives.
Then followed the migration of pilgrims to Titicaca, for whose shelter
houses were built at Capacahuana, and large stores of maize were provided
for their use. The ceremonial connected with the sacred rites of the rock
was rigorously observed. The pilgrim ere embarking on the raft which
conveyed him to the island must first confess his sins to a huillac (a
seaker to an object of worship); then further confessions were required at
each of the three sculptured doors which had successively to be passed
before reaching the sacred rock. The first door (Puma-puncu) was surmounted
by the figure of a puma; the others (Quenti-puncu and Pillco-puncu) were
ornamented with feathers of the different species of birds commonly
sacrificed to the sun. Having passed the last portal, the traveller beheld
at a distance of two hundred paces the sacred rock itself, the summit
glittering with gold-leaf. He was permitted to proceed no further, for only
the officials were allowed entry into it. The pilgrim on departing received
a few grains of the sacred maize grown on the island. These he kept with
care and placed with his own store, believing they would preserve his stock.
The confidence the Indian placed in the virtue of the Titicaca maize may be
judged from the prevalent belief that the possessor of a single grain would
not suffer from starvation during the whole of his life.
Sacrifices to the New Sun
The Intip-Raymi, or Great Festival of the Sun, was celebrated by the Incas
at Cuzco at the winter solstice. In connection with it the Tarpuntaita-cuma,
or sacrificing Incas, were charged with a remarkable duty, the worshippers
journeying eastward to meet one of these functionaries on his way. On the
principal hill-tops between Cuzco and Huillcanuta, on the road to the rock
of Titicaca, burnt offerings of llamas, coca, and maize were made at the
feast to greet the arrival of the young sun from his ancient birthplace.
Molina has enumerated more than twenty of these places of sacrifice. The
striking picture of the celebration of the solar sacrifice on these bleak
mountains in the depth of the Peruvian winter has, it seems, no parallel in
the religious rites of the ancient Americans. Quitting their thatched houses
at early dawn, the worshippers left the valley below, carrying the
sacrificial knife and brazier, and conducting the white llama, heavily laden
with fuel, maize, and coca leaves, wrapped in fine cloth, to the spot where
the sacrifice was to be made. When sunrise appeared the pile was lighted.
The victim was slain and thrown upon it. The scene then presented a striking
contrast to the bleak surrounding wilderness. As the flames grew in strength
and the smoke rose higher and thicker the clear atmosphere was gradually
illuminated from the east. When the sun advanced above the horizon the
sacrifice was at its height. But for the crackling of the flames and the
murmur of a babbling stream on its way down the hill to join the river
below, the silence had hitherto been unbroken. As the sun rose the Incas
marched slowly round the burning mass, plucking the wool from the scorched
carcase, and chanting monotonously: "O Creator, Sun and Thunder, be for ever
young! Multiply the people; let them ever be in peace!"
The Citoc Raymi
The most picturesque if not the most important solar festival was that of
the Citoc Raymi (Gradually Increasing Sun), held in June, when nine days
were given up to the ceremonial. A rigorous fast was observed for three days
previous to the event, during which no fire must be kindled. On the fourth
day the Inca, accompanied by the people en masse, proceeded to the great
square of Cuzco to hail the rising sun, which they awaited in silence. On
its appearance they greeted it with a joyous tumult, and joining in
procession, marched to the Golden Temple of the Sun, where llamas were
sacrificed, and a new fire was kindled by means of an arched mirror,
followed by sacrificial offerings of grain, flowers, animals, and aromatic
gums. This festival may be taken as typical of all the seasonal
celebrations. The Inca calendar was purely agricultural in its basis, and
marked in its great festivals the renewal or abandonment of the labours of
the field. Its astronomical observations were not more advanced than those
of the calendars of many American races otherwise inferior in civilisation.
Human Sacrifice in Peru
Writers ignorant of their subject have often dwelt upon the absence of human
sacrifice in ancient Peru, and have not hesitated to draw comparisons
between Mexico and the empire of the Incas in this respect, usually not
complimentary to the former. Such statements are contradicted by the
clearest evidence. Human sacrifice was certainly not nearly so prevalent in
Peru, but that it was regular and by no means rare is well authenticated.
Female victims to the sun were taken from the great class of Acllacuna
(Selected Ones), a general tribute of female children regularly levied
throughout the Inca Empire. Beautiful girls were taken from their parents at
the age of eight by the Inca officials, and were handed over to certain
female trainers called mamacuna (mothers). These matrons systematically
trained their protégées in housewifery and ritual. Residences or convents
called aclla-huasi (houses of the Selected) were provided for them in the
principal cities.
Methods of Medicine-Men
A quaint account of the methods of the medicinemen of the Indians of the
Peruvian Andes probably illustrates the manner in which the superstitions of
a barbarian people evolve into a more stately ritual.
"It cannot be denied," it states, "that the mohanes [priests] have, by
practice and tradition, acquired a knowledge of many plants and poisons,
with which they effect surprising cures on the one hand, and do much
mischief on the other, but the mania of ascribing the whole to a
preternatural virtue occasions them to blend with their practice a thousand
charms and superstitions. The most customary method of cure is to place two
hammocks close to each other, either in the dwelling, or in the open air: in
one of them the patient lies extended, and in the other the mohane, or
agorero. The latter, in contact with the sick man, begins by rocking
himself, and then proceeds, by a strain in falsetto, to call on the birds,
quadrupeds, and fishes to give health to the patient. From time to time he
rises on his seat, and makes a thousand extravagant gestures over the sick
man, to whom he applies his powders and herbs, or sucks the wounded or
diseased parts. If the malady augments, the agorero, having been joined by
many of the people, chants a short hymn, addressed to the soul of the
patient, with this burden: 'Thou must not go, thou must not go.' In
repeating this he is joined by the people, until at length a terrible
clamour is raised, and augmented in proportion as the sick man becomes still
fainter and fainter, to the end that it may reach his ears. When all the
charms are unavailing, and death approaches, the mohane leaps from his
hammock, and betakes himself to flight, amid the multitude of sticks,
stones, and clods of earth which are showered on him. Successively all those
who belong to the nation assemble, and, dividing themselves into bands, each
of them (if he who is in his last agonies is a warrior) approaches him,
saying: 'Whither goest thou? Why dost thou leave us? With whom shall we
proceed to the aucas [the enemies]?' They then relate to him the heroical
deeds he has performed, the number of those he has slain, and the pleasures
he leaves behind him. This is practised in different tones while some raise
the voice, it is lowered by others and the poor sick man is obliged to
support these importunities without a murmur, until the first symptoms of
approaching dissolution manifest themselves. Then it is that he is
surrounded by a multitude of females, some of whom forcibly close the mouth
and eyes, others envelop him in the hammock, oppressing him with the whole
of their weight, and causing him to expire before his time, and others,
lastly, run to extinguish the candle, and dissipate the smoke, that the
soul, not being able to perceive the hole through which it may escape, may
remain entangled in the structure of the roof. That this may be speedily
effected, and to prevent its return to the interior of the dwelling, they
surround the entrances with filth, by the stench of which it may be
expelled.
Death by Suffocation
"As soon as the dying man is suffocated by the closing of the mouth,
nostrils, &c., and wrapt up in the covering of his bed, the most circumspect
Indian, whether male or female, takes him in the arms in the best manner
possible, and gives a gentle shriek, which echoes to the bitter lamentations
of the immediate relatives, and to the cries of a thousand old women
collected for the occasion. As long as this dismal howl subsists, the latter
are subjected to a constant fatigue, raising the palm of the hand to wipe
away the tears, and lowering it to dry it on the ground. The result of this
alternate action is, that a circle of earth, which gives them a most hideous
appearance, is collected about the eyelids and brows, and they do not wash
themselves until the mourning is over. These first clamours conclude by
several good pots of masato, to assuage the thirst of sorrow, and the
company next proceed to make a great clatter among the utensils of the
deceased: some break the kettles, and others the earthen pots, while others,
again, burn the apparel, to the end that his memory may be the sooner
forgotten. If the defunct has been a cacique, or powerful warrior, his
exequies are performed after the manner of the Romans: they last for many
days, all the people weeping in concert for a considerable space of time, at
daybreak, at noon, in the evening, and at midnight. When the appointed hour
arrives, the mournful music begins in front of the house of the wife and
relatives, the heroical deeds of the deceased being chanted to the sound of
instruments. All the inhabitants of the vicinity unite in chorus from within
their houses, some chirping like birds, others howling like tigers, and the
greater part of them chattering like monkeys, or croaking like frogs. They
constantly leave off by having recourse to the masato, and by the
destruction of whatever the deceased may have left behind him, the burning
of his dwelling being that which concludes the ceremonies. Among some of the
Indians, the nearest relatives cut off their hair as a token of their grief,
agreeably to the practice of the Moabites, and other nations. . . .
The Obsequies of a Chief
"On the day of decease, they put the body, with its insignia, into a large
earthen vessel, or painted jar) which they bury in one of the angles of the
quarter, laying over it a covering of potter's clay, and throwing in earth
until the grave is on a level with the surface of the ground. When the
obsequies are over, they forbear to pay a visit to it, and lose every
recollection of the name of the warrior. The Roamaynas disenterre their
dead, as soon as they think that the fleshy parts have been consumed, and
having washed the bones form the skeleton, which they place in a coffin of
potter's clay, adorned with various symbols of death, like the hieroglyphics
on the wrappers of the Egyptian mummies. In this state the skeleton is
carried home, to the end that the survivors may bear the deceased in
respectful memory, and not in imitation of those extraordinary voluptuaries
of antiquity, who introduced into their most splendid festivals a spectacle
of this nature, which, by reminding them of their dissolution, might
stimulate them to taste, before it should overtake them, all the impure
pleasures the human passions could afford them. A space of time of about a
year being elapsed, the bones are once more inhumed, and the individual to
whom they belonged forgotten for ever." [Skinner, State of Peru, pp. 271 et
seq.]
Peruvian Myths
Peru is not so rich in myths as Mexico, but the following legends well
illustrate the mythological ideas of the Inca race:
The Vision of Yupanqui
The Inca Yupanqui before he succeeded to the sovereignty is said to have
gone to visit his father, Viracocha Inca. On his way he arrived at a
fountain called Susur-pugaio. There he saw a piece of crystal fall into the
fountain, and in this crystal he saw the figure of an Indian, with three
bright rays as of the sun coming from the back of his head. He wore a hauiu,
or royal fringe, across the forehead like the Inca. Serpents wound round his
arms and over his shoulders. He had ear-pieces in his ears like the Incas,
and was also dressed like them. There was the head of a lion between his
legs, and another lion was about his shoulders. Inca Yupanqui took fright at
this strange figure, and was running away when a voice called to him by name
telling him not to be afraid, because it was his father, the sun, whom he
beheld, and that he would conquer many nations, but he must remember his
father-in his sacrifices and raise revenues for him, and pay him great
reverence. Then the figure vanished, but the crystal remained, and the Inca
afterwards saw all he wished in it. When he became king he had a statue of
the sun made, resembling the figure as closely as possible, and ordered all
the tribes he had conquered to build splendid temples and worship the new
deity instead of the creator.
The Bird Bride
The Canaris Indians are named from the province of Canaribamba, in Quito,
and they have several myths regarding their origin. One recounts that at the
deluge two brothers fled to a very high mountain called Huacaquan, and as
the waters rose the hill ascended simultaneously, so that they escaped
drowning. When the flood was over they had to find food in the valleys, and
they built a tiny house and lived on herbs and roots. They were surprised
one day when they went home to find food already prepared for them and
chicha to drink. This continued for ten days. Then the elder brother decided
to hide himself and discover who brought the food. Very soon two birds, one
Aqua, the other Torito (otherwise quacamayo birds), appeared dressed as
Canaris, and wearing their hair fastened in the same way. The larger bird
removed the Ilicella, or mantle the Indians wear, and the man saw that they
had beautiful faces and discovered that the bird-like beings were in reality
women. When he came out the bird-women were very angry and flew away. When
the younger brother came home and found no food he was annoyed, and
determined to hide until the bird-women returned. After ten days the
quacamayos appeared again on their old mission, and while they were busy the
watcher contrived to close the door, and so prevented the younger bird from
escaping. She lived with the brothers for a long time, and became the mother
of six sons and daughters, from whom all the Canaris proceed. Hence the
tribe look upon the quacamayo birds with reverence) and use their feathers
at their festivals.
Thonapa
Some myths tell of a divine personage called Thonapa, who appears to have
been a hero-god or civilising agent like Quetzalcoatl. He seems to have
devoted his life to preaching to the people in the various villages,
beginning in the provinces of Colla-suya. When he came to Yamquisupa he was
treated so badly that he would not remain there. He slept in the open air,
clad only in a long shirt and a mantle, and carried a book. He cursed the
village. It was soon immersed in water, and is now a lake. There was an idol
in the form of a woman to which the people offered sacrifice at the top of a
high hill, Cachapucara. This idol Thonapa detested, so he burnt it, and also
destroyed the hill. On another occasion Thonapa cursed a large assembly of
people who were holding a great banquet to celebrate a wedding, because they
refused to listen to his preaching. They were all changed into stones, which
are visible to this day. Wandering through Peru, Thonapa came to the
mountain of Caravaya, and after raising a very large cross he put it on his
shoulders and took it to the hill Carapucu, where he preached so fervently
that he shed tears. A chief's daughter got some of the water on her head,
and the Indians, imagining that he was washing his head (a ritual offence),
took him prisoner near the Lake of Carapucu. Very early the next morning a
beautiful youth appeared to Thonapa, and told him not to fear, for he was
sent from the divine guardian who watched over him. He released Thonapa, who
escaped, though he was well guarded. He went down into the lake, his mantle
keeping him above the water as a boat would have done. After Thonapa had
escaped from the barbarians he remained on the rock of Titicaca, afterwards
going to the town of Tiya-manacu, where again he cursed the people and
turned them into stones. They were too bent upon amusement to listen to his
preaching. He then followed the river Chacamarca till it reached the sea,
and, like Quetzalcoatl, disappeared. This is good evidence that he was a
solar deity, or man of the sun, who, his civilising labours completed,
betook himself to the house of his father.
A Myth of Manco Ccapac Inca
When Manco Ccapac Inca was born a staff which had been given to his father
turned into gold. He had seven brothers and sisters, and at his father's
death he assembled all his people in order to see how much he could venture
in making fresh conquests. He and his brothers supplied themselves with rich
clothing, new arms, and the golden staff called tapac-yauri (royal sceptre).
He had also two cups of gold from which Thonapa had drunk, called tapacusi.
They proceeded to the highest point in the country, a mountain where the sun
rose, and Manco Ccapac saw several rainbows. which he interpreted as a sign
of good fortune, Delighted with the favouring symbols, he sang the song of
Chamayhuarisca (The Song of Joy). Manco Ccapac: wondered why a brother who
had accompanied him did not return, and sent one of his sisters in search of
him, but she also did not come back, so he went himself, and found both
nearly dead beside a huaca. They said they could not move, as the huaca, a
stone, retarded them. In a great rage Manco struck this stone with his
tapac-yauri. It spoke, and said that had it not been for his wonderful
golden staff he would have had no power over it. It added that his brother
and sister had sinned, and therefore must remain with it (the huaca) in the
lower regions, but that Manco was to be "greatly honoured." The sad fate of
his brother and sister troubled Manco exceedingly, but on going back to the
place where he first saw the rainbows he got comfort from them and strength
to bear his grief.
Coniraya Viracocha
Coniraya Viracocha was a tricky nature spirit who declared he was the
creator, but who frequently appeared attired as a poor ragged Indian. He was
an adept at deceiving people. A beautiful woman, Cavillaca, who was greatly
admired, was one day weaving a mantle at the foot of a lucma tree. Coniraya,
changing himself into a beautiful bird, climbed the tree, took some of his
generative seed, made it into a ripe lucma, and dropped it near the
beautiful virgin, who saw and ate the fruit. Some time afterwards a son was
born to Cavillaca. When the child was older she wished that the huacas and
gods should meet and declare who was the father of the boy. All dressed as
finely as possible, hoping to be chosen as her husband. Coniraya was there,
dressed like a beggar, and Cavillaca never even looked at him. The maiden
addressed the assembly, but as no one immediately answered her speech she
let the child go, saving he would be sure to crawl to his father. The infant
went straight up to Coniraya, sitting in his rags, and laughed up to him.
Cavillaca, extremely angry at the idea ot being associated with such a poor,
dirty creature, fled to the seashore. Coniraya then put on magnificent
attire and followed her to show her how handsome he was, but still thinking
of him in his ragged condition she would not look back. She went into the
sea at Pachacamac and was changed into a rock. Coniraya, still following
her, met a condor, and asked if it had seen a woman. On the condor replying
that it had seen her quite near, Coniraya. blessed it, and said whoever
killed it would be killed himself. He then met a fox, who said he would
never meet Cavillaca, so Coniraya told him he would always retain his
disagreeable odour, and on account of it he would never be able to go abroad
except at night, and that he would be hated by every one. Next came a lion,
who told Coniraya he was very near Cavillaca, so the lover said he should
have the power of punishing wrongdoers, and that whoever killed him would
wear the skin without cutting off the head, and by preserving the teeth and
eyes would make him appear still alive; his skin would be worn at festivals,
and thus he would be honoured after death. Then another fox who gave bad
news was cursed, and a falcon who said Cavillaca was near was told he would
be highly esteemed, and that whoever killed him would also wear his skin at
festivals. The parrots, giving bad news, were to cry so loud that they would
be heard far away, and their cries would betray them to enemies. Thus
Coniraya blessed the animals which gave him news he liked, and cursed those
which gave the opposite. When at last he came to the sea he found Cavillaca
and the child turned into stone, and there he encountered two beautiful
young daughters of Pachacamac, who guarded a great serpent. He made love to
the elder sister, but the younger one flew away in the form of a wild
pigeon. At that time there were no fishes in the sea, but a certain goddess
had reared a few in a small pond, and Coniraya emptied these into the ocean
and thus peopled it. The angry deity tried to outwit Coniraya and kill him,
but he was too wise and escaped. He returned to Huarochiri, and played
tricks as before on the villagers.
Coniraya slightly approximates to the Jurupari of the Uapčs Indians of
Brazil, especially as regards his impish qualities. [See Spence, article
"Brazil" in Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics vol. ii.]
The Llama's Warning
An old Peruvian myth relates how the world was nearly left without an
inhabitant. A man took his llama to a fine place for feeding, but the beast
moaned and would not eat, and on its master questioning it, it said there
was little wonder it was sad, because in five days the sea would rise and
engulf the earth. The man, alarmed, asked if there was no way of escape, and
the llama advised him to go to the top of a high mountain, Villa-Coto,
taking food for five days. When they reached the summit of the hill all
kinds of birds and animals were already there. When the sea rose the water
came so near that it washed the tail of a fox, and that is why foxes' tails
are black! After five days the water fell, leaving only this one man alive,
and from him the Peruvians believed the present human race to be descended.
The Myth of Huathlacuri
After the deluge the Indians chose the bravest and richest man as leader.
This period they called Purunpacha (the time without a king). On a high
mountain-top appeared five large eggs, from one of which Paricaca, father of
Huathiacuri, later emerged. Huathiacuri, who was so poor that he had not
means to cook his food properly, learned much wisdom from his father, and
the following story shows how this assisted him. A certain man had built a
most curious house, the roof being made of yellow and red birds' feathers.
He was very rich, possessing many llamas, and was greatly esteemed on
account of his wealth. So proud did he become that he aspired to be the
creator himself; but when he became very ill and could not cure himself his
divinity seemed doubtful. Just at this time Huathiacuri was travelling
about, and one day he saw two foxes meet and listened to their conversation.
From this he heard about the rich man and learned the cause of his illness,
and forthwith he determined to go on to find him. On arriving at the curious
house he met a lovely young girl, one of the rich man's daughters. She told
him about her father's illness, and Huathiacuri, charmed with her, said he
would cure her father if she would only give him her love. He looked so
ragged and dirty that she refused, but she took him to her father and
informed him that Huathiacuri said he could cure him. Her father consented
to give him an opportunity to do so. Huathiacuri began his cure by telling
the sick man that his wife had been unfaithful, and that there were two
serpents hovering above his house to devour it, and a toad with two heads
under his grinding-stone. His wife at first indignantly denied the
accusation, but on Huathiacuri reminding her of some details, and the
serpents and toad being discovered, she confessed her guilt. The reptiles
were killed, the man recovered, and the daughter was married to Huathiacuri.
Huathiacuri's poverty and raggedness displeased the girl's brother-in-law,
who suggested to the bridegroom a contest in dancing and drinking.
Huathiacuri went to seek his father's advice, and the old man told him to
accept the challenge and return to him. Paricaca then sent him to a
mountain, where he was changed into a dead llama. Next morning a fox and its
vixen carrying a jar of chicha came, the fox having a flute of many pipes.
When they saw the dead llama they laid down their things and went toward it
to have a feast, but Huathiacuri then resumed his human form and gave a loud
cry that frightened away the foxes, whereupon he took possession of the jar
and flute. By the aid of these, which were magically endowed, he beat his
brother-in-law in dancing and drinking.
Then the brother-in-law proposed a contest to prove who was the handsomer
when dressed in festal attire. By the aid of Paricaca Huathiacuri found a
red lion-skin, which gave him the appearance of having a rainbow round his
head, and he again won.
The next trial was to see who could build a house the quickest and best. The
brother-in-law got all his men to help, and had his house nearly finished
before the other had his foundation laid. But here again Paricaca's wisdom
proved of service, for Huathiacuri got animals and birds of all kinds to
help him during the night, and by morning the building was finished except
the roof. His brother-in-law got many llamas to come with straw for his
roof, but Huathiacuri ordered an animal to stand where its loud screams
frightened the llamas away, and the straw was lost. Once more Huathiacuri
won the day. At last Paricaca advised Huathiacuri to end this conflict, and
he asked his brother-in-law to see who could dance best in a blue shirt with
white cotton round the loins. The rich man as usual appeared first, but when
Huathiacuri came in he made a very loud noise and frightened him, and he
began to run away. As he ran Huathiacuri turned him into a deer. His wife,
who had followed him, was turned into a stone, with her head on the ground
and her feet in the air, because she had given her husband such bad advice.
The four remaining eggs on the mountain-top then opened, and four falcons
issued, which turned into four great warriors. These warriors performed many
miracles, one of which consisted in raising a storm which swept away the
rich Indian's house in a flood to the sea.
Paricaca
Having assisted in the performance of several miracles, Paricaca set out
determined to do great deeds. He went to find Caruyuchu Huayallo, to whom
children were sacrificed. He came one day to a village where a festival was
being celebrated, and as he was in very poor clothes no one took any notice
of him or offered him anything, till a young girl, taking pity on him,
brought him chicha to drink. In gratitude Paricaca told her to seek a place
of safety for herself, as the village would be destroyed after five days,
but she was to tell no one of this. Annoyed at the inhospitality of the
people, Paricaca then went to a hill-top and sent down a fearful storm and
flood, and the whole village was destroyed. Then he came to another village,
now San Lorenzo. He saw a very beautiful girl, Choque Suso, crying bitterly.
Asking her why she wept, she said the maize crop was dying for want of
water. Paricaca at once fell in love with this girl, and after first damming
up the little water there was, and thus leaving none for the crop, he told
her he would give her plenty of water if she would only return his love. She
said he must get water not only for her own crop but for all the other farms
before she could consent. He noticed a small rill, from which, by opening a
dam, he thought he might get a sufficient supply of water for the farms. He
then got the assistance of the birds in the hills, and animals such as
snakes, lizards, and so on, in removing any obstacles in the way, and they
widened the channel so that the water irrigated all the land. The fox with
his usual cunning managed to obtain the post of engineer, and carried the
canal to near the site of the church of San Lorenzo. Paricaca, having
accomplished what he had promised, begged Choque Suso to keep her word,
which she willingly did, but she proposed living at the summit of some rocks
called Yanacaca. There the lovers stayed very happily, at the head of the
channel called Cocochallo, the making of which had united them; and as
Choque Suso wished to remain there always, Paricaca. eventually turned her
into a stone.
In all likelihood this myth was intended to account for the invention of
irrigation among the early Peruvians, and from being a local legend probably
spread over the length and breadth of the country.
Conclusion
The advance in civilisation attained by the peoples of America must be
regarded as among the most striking phenomena in the history of mankind,
especially if it be viewed as an example of what can be achieved by isolated
races occupying a peculiar environment. It cannot be too strongly emphasised
that the cultures and mythologies of old Mexico and Peru were evolved
without foreign assistance or intervention, that, in fact, they were
distinctively and solely the fruit of American aboriginal thought evolved
upon American soil. An absorbing chapter in the story of human advancement
is provided by these peoples, whose architecture, arts, graphic and plastic,
laws and religions prove them to have been the equals of most of the Asiatic
nations of antiquity, and the superiors of the primitive races of Europe,
who entered into the heritage of civilisation through the gateway of the
East. The aborigines of ancient America had evolved for themselves a system
of writing which at the period of their discovery was approaching the
alphabetic type, a mathematical system unique and by no means despicable,
and an architectural science in some respects superior to any of which the
Old World could boast. Their legal codes were reasonable and founded upon
justice; and if their religions were tainted with cruelty, it was a cruelty
which they regarded as inevitable, and as the doom placed upon them by
sanguinary and insatiable deities and not by any human agency.
In comparing the myths of the American races with the deathless stories of
Olympus or the scarcely less classic tales of India, frequent resemblances
and analogies cannot fail to present themselves, and these are of value as
illustrating the circumstance that in every quarter of the globe the mind of
man has shaped for itself a system of faith based upon similar principles.
But in the perusal of the myths and beliefs of Mexico and Peru we are also
struck with the strangeness and remoteness alike of their subject-matter and
the type of thought which they present. The result of centuries of isolation
is evident in a profound contrast of "atmosphere." It seems almost as if we
stood for a space upon the dim shores of another planet, spectators of the
doings of a race of whose modes of thought and feeling we were entirely
ignorant.
For generations these stories have been hidden, along with the memory of the
gods and folk of whom they tell, beneath a thick dust of neglect, displaced
here and there only by the efforts of antiquarians working singly and
unaided. Nowadays many well-equipped students are striving to add to our
knowledge of the civilisations of Mexico and Peru. To the mythical stories
of these peoples, alas! we cannot add. The greater part of them perished in
the flames of the Spanish autos-de-fé. But for those which have survived we
must be grateful, as affording so many casements through which we may catch
the glitter and gleam of civilisations more remote and bizarre than those of
the Orient, shapes dim yet gigantic, misty yet many-coloured, the ghosts of
peoples and beliefs not the least splendid and solemn in the roll of dead
nations and vanished faiths.